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few years. These laws were enacted to restrain genuine opposition parties. The municipal filter, for example, forces candidates to get signatures from deputies in regional legislatures in order to run for mayor. This has been instrumental in maintaining control of Moscow despite concerted efforts by the non-systemic opposition. A similar effect is produced by the draconian signature collection requirements that parties with Duma seats aren't subject to. These rules freeze the party system in place. Those who were already in power when the laws were enacted find it easy to stay there, but other parties are stuck on the outside. The requirements are effective, but they are also controversial. The author of the report argues that they might be changed in the next few years -- but don't expect any genuine liberalization.
2.13 Polls & Sociology
The number of Russian who approve of the foreign policy of President Vladimir Putin declined from 22% in 2017 to 16% currently , according to the Levada Center pollster cited by the RBC business portal on August 8. Kremlin is facing a rare dive in popularity of ruling United Russia party ahead of the upcoming regional elections and even risks of widespread protests caused by the unpopular pension reform and VAT hike . With growing popular discontent, the ecstasy of the FIFA World Cup held in Russia behind, it might not be enough to continue pumping up the "us versus them" and Russia's special on the global arena to deflect attention from domestic social issues. The latest polls show Russians voicing the opinion of "lets stop heling all [other countries], lets help ourselves, let's better spend this money at home," While Russians increasingly see Putin as a seasoned politician (49% versus 33% in 2016), only 17% are convinced that he is "motivated by state interests" (25% in 2016), while 17% of respondents believe Putin to be "affiliated with big capital". Such results are not indicating the decline in Putin's popularity per se, Volkov commented, the 2014-2016 post-Crimea patriotism wave among Russians is receding.
The majority of Russians still consider the decision to recognize the independence of South Ossetia as correct, and every tenth step still does not support it, a poll of the All-Russian Center for the Study of Public Opinion (VCIOM), RIA Novosti reports. 80% of the respondents approved the decision taken ten years ago (up from 75% in 2013), and against 9% (14% in 2013). At the same time, more than a third (36%) of the respondents continue to monitor what is happening in the republic. Most (81%) of our fellow citizens still believe that Russia did the right thing by supporting South Ossetia then. In 2009, the share of respondents who shared this view was 86%, but in some years, as shown by previous surveys, it was lower (76% in 2010 and 71% in 2013). On August 8, 2008, Georgian troops attacked South Ossetia, fired at it from the Grad rocket fire and destroyed part of its capital, Tskhinval. Moscow retaliated thanks to fact that many of the locals had been given Russian citizenship. Moscow introduced troops and after five days of fighting forced Georgian soldiers out of the region. At the end of August, Russia recognized the sovereignty of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
Russians positive towards the United States and the European Union has reached 42% in July , up from 20% two months earlier -- it's highest level of since the accession of the Crimea in 2014 according to the Levada Center release on August 2. After the accession of the Crimea, the proportion of respondents with a good attitude toward the US did not rise above 30% and reached a maximum of 37% only after Trump's inauguration in January 2017. 42% of respondents were also happy with the European Union at the end of July, and 27% in May.
The readiness of Russians for mass protests over economic policies has topped 40% for the first time since 2009 , Vedomosti d aily said on August 1 citing the data of the Levada Center pollster. After months of silence President
25 RUSSIA Country Report September 2018 www.intellinews.com