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he’s doing everything he can in multiple courts in multiple countries to get the bank, or at least some of the cash, back. Zelenskiy and Kolomoisky certainly have a close relationship: Zelenskiy’s television show, in, which he goes from country bumpkin history teacher to president after a viral rant about corruption, was broadcast on Kolomoisky’s 1+1 television station. The oligarch also boosted Zelenskiy with positive media coverage well before the presidential election. The BBC’s Jonah Fisher asked Zelenskiy about his relationship with Kolomoisky during the campaign, and Zelenskiy said the oligarchs own all the major stations and the fact that his show is on Kolomoisky’s channel is no biggie. A year later, that statement strains credulity.
In his first year in office, Zelenskiy embraced the oligarchs. In September 2019, the presidential office released a grinning photo of the president, prime minister, chief of staff, and Kolomoisky in the president’s office. A few days later, Kolomoisky strode confidently through Ukraine’s toniest international conference, the Yalta European Strategy Summit, for the first time ever and gave interviews to all and sundry. Zelenskiy has done nothing to have Kolomoisky prosecuted, while his recently appointed prosecutor general has opened twenty-four criminal cases against his predecessor, Petro Poroshenko. Kolomoisky has about thirty MPs who are loyal to him within the president’s Servant of the People political party, and the oligarch has consistently harassed some of the officials that Zelenskiy just ousted.
Russian puppet: ​Long held by many members of the Ukrainian diaspora and nationalist types from western Ukraine, this idea rests on animus towards Zelenskiy. He’s not a native Ukrainian speaker, fails to denounce Russian President Vladimir Putin every chance he gets, and shows flexibility on efforts to make peace in eastern Ukraine. The theory has superficial appeal, but lacks supporting evidence beyond the circumstantial and, more importantly, fails to take the sheer incompetence in Kyiv into account.
Victim of his own inexperience:​ Report Advertisement Zelenskiy had a plan and he was defeated. Before 2019, he had never held a large administrative job and never served in government. Luckily for him, his first chief of staff, Andriy Bohdan, knew how to run the presidential administration and could whip parliament like no other. While Bohdan was in place, things worked in Kyiv. After Bohdan, things fell apart. According to sources in Kyiv, Zelenskiy listens to four friends who serve as chief of staff, senior advisors, and the head of the security services. None has any insight into economics or politics. When this trusted circle disagrees, Zelenskiy doesn’t know what to do. Insiders tell me that the president trusts no one, wants his people on every committee and board, has no ideology, and insists that everything must be done immediately. He can’t delegate. He ignores his own cabinet and deals directly with ministers and regional leaders. After the series of indefensible personnel decisions this spring, this theory looks increasingly likely.
Victim of his own naivete: ​Zelenskiy genuinely meant well and ran for president to fix the country. Before he ran for office, he was rich, famous, and hilarious. In other words, he didn’t need the job. He says he ran so that his kids could live in a normal country. According to former Prime Minister Oleksii Honcharuk,” Zelenskiy changed.” He told the Kyiv Post that the person he started working with and Zelenskiy today “are two different people.”
Of course, Zelenskiy sacked Honcharuk six months into the job, and the former prime minister’s retelling is likely self-serving. He says Zelenskiy was
6​ UKRAINE Country Report​ August 2020 ​ ​www.intellinews.com