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June 2019 www.intellinews.com I Page 7
Securitisation
Since Putin's return to power in 2012 a narrative of 'fortress Russia' has dominated politics. Elevat- ing the state has allowed Moscow to legitimise
a cycle of securitisation across society, where enemies are generalised amalgamations of past and future threats. This brand of statism – hardly unique to Russia – creates a power dynamic that demands extraordinary measures to protect. It can be seen in the language used to justify the sovereign internet law on vague national security grounds as a defensive, pre-emptive act to shield Russia from foreign aggression.
But the new law has a lot more to do with threats from inside the country than out. The online world challenges the Kremlin's traditional interpreta- tion of political control. While trust in television
is in decline, affordable internet access across the country has grown as huge amounts of Rus- sians use it to communicate, be entertained and informed. YouTube, which vies with the likes of Channel One for views, hosts Alexei Navalny's corruption investigations. Telegram channels are a haven for insider gossip and government leaks. And much like 2011/12, a host of social media platforms are used to organise anti-government demonstrations. The internet merges offline and online worlds in a way that is difficult to manage, let alone dictate and it terrifies the Kremlin.
We got a brief insight into the lengths Moscow is willing to go to when, in October and March, mobile internet was cut during protests in Ingushetia. Replicating this across the whole
of Russia is another matter, however. Given the botched digital sledgehammer that was the Telegram ban and the poorly managed Yarovaya law, one can't help but feel Moscow has bitten off more than it can chew. A year on from the Telegram debacle, the service is still running and has more users than ever.
It's not just technical and political problems that Moscow may run into, but the international communications and tech firms already under
pressure to comply with various strict laws.
None are new to the censorship debate. Some, like Google and Apple, have fallen into line
when it comes to, for example, data storage and localisation. Others, like Twitter and Facebook, have put up some resistance. The sovereign internet law will introduce a whole raft of new challenges for these companies that will question their values, reputations and potential complicity in undermining online freedoms. While Moscow will be relying on their quiet cooperation, increased awareness of internet privacy means it is harder than ever for big tech to justify playing fast and loose with some user data more than others. Moscow will also want to avoid ugly public bans. That means companies like Facebook, with its 25mn users in Russia alone, have influence to wield. The question is whether they decide to use it. How they respond will have implications for internet freedoms across the world.
Whatever happens it will be the Russian population that suffers. The sovereign internet law is incompatible with an open society and a diverse, growing economy. Tech is often touted by Moscow as key to raising living standards across the country. It is a great irony, then, when Putin talks
of the need to keep up with its advancements, otherwise “new jobs, modern companies and an attractive life will develop in other, more successful countries”. Despite the new national digitalisation program and a wealth of tech talent (much of which ends up abroad), the environment needed for innovation and a vibrant digital culture is continually undermined by a security-obsessed state. This is another act of self-harm.
Polling shows the majority of Russians oppose the sovereign internet law. Civil society, now growing outside large cities into the country's heartlands, is unlikely to stay quiet. Moscow wants help to quell dissent. But the new law will stoke the very protests it wants to avoid.
Lindsay Mackenzie is a writer and editor based in Glasgow, Scotland.