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bne September 2020 Southeast Europe I 37
Protest-riven Bulgaria heads for its toughest winter in decades
Denitsa Koseva in Sofia
After nearly 50 days of mass protests against the government of Prime Minister Boyko Borissov and the chief prosecutor Ivan Geshev, Bulgaria is heading towards its toughest winter in decades. The political deadlock adds to fears the country will be unable to avoid catastrophe brought on by the economic contraction and
an expected new wave of coronavirus (COVID-19).
Hundreds of thousands of people
have taken to the streets of Sofia and several other towns, night after night. They carry placards demanding “Mutri [mafia] out!” or mocking Borissov as
a “pumpkin” – in Bulgaria “pumpkin” indicates someone as stupid as if he had a pumpkin on his shoulders instead of a head. As their anger with the authorities escalated, they threw eggs and tomatoes at government buildings, blocked roads and bridges, and some set up tents in central Sofia.
Despite this, the protesters remain friendly with each other and aim to avoid violence. As the weeks go by, their energy is flagging, while the government and Geshev continue to insist they will not resign. This deadlock could last for months – unless the protests get new energy in the autumn when people return from their holidays.
Analysts are divided in their expectations on the possible development of the crisis, with some expecting that Borissov will resign to avoid dealing with the twin health and economic crises looming
this winter. Others believe he will be ousted by his own people or by the angry crowds. In any of these scenarios, he looks set to be the biggest loser from the current situation.
Although Borissov’s ruling Gerb party still holds first place in the polls, it
is not in a position to form another government without significant support from other parties. And the longer Borissov delays his resignation – which now seems inevitable – the more support Gerb will lose.
Borissov twice gave signals he was ready to resign but later backtracked, fuelling the accusations from protesters and opposition politicians that he is completely dependent on the ethnic-Turk Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS), its chairman of honour Ahmed Dogan
and party member and controversial businessman Delyan Peevski, all of which have become synonyms for corruption. Borissov’s critics have suggested that
the DPS – a small party that is formally in opposition but believed to wield considerable power behind the scenes – did not allow him to resign as he had given too many corrupt promises to them that he has yet to deliver.
Roadmap to resignation
As the protests entered their second month in August, Borissov made
an unexpected move, proposing to stand down if the parliament and
President Rumen Radev agree to call a Supreme National Assembly and make constitutional changes. The following day, Gerb released a proposal for an amended constitution.
However, this was seen as an attempt to divert attention or to secure more time, and failed to quell the protests.
Looking more closely at Gerb’s proposed new constitution, it would actually take power from Radev and give more power to the chief prosecutor.
Radev, who has repeatedly spoken
out in support of the protesters, said a government that “methodically tramples on the separation of powers, violates the law, stifles freedom of speech cannot propose changes to the constitution”.
By law, calling a Grand National Assembly can be proposed only by the parliament with the approval of more than half the MPs, and the president must approve it too.
Radev also stressed that the protesters are demanding the resignation of the
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