Page 87 - bneMag Dec22
P. 87
bne December 2022
the pro-EU political parties, prosecutors searched the headquarters of the Socialist Party (PSRM) on November 11 to collect new evidence regarding the party’s illegal financing.
The accusations against the PSRM are similar to those against the Shor Party: illegal financing from criminal groups and money laundering. However, a request to ban the PSRM
as well would prompt concerns among independent civic society NGOs that already flagged up problematic decisions taken by the pro-EU authorities.
Not a mere NGO, the Venice Commission has criticised Moldova’s pro-EU authorities over the content of the CSP law and the way it was amended. The PAS amended the law so as to give the CSP the right to subjectively evaluate head prosecutors, which opens the door to political interference.
Banning the Shor Party (a measure currently under evaluation by the Constitutional Court at the request of the government) is an even more risky step that may be seen as restricting freedom of expression. The Shor Party may be a political vehicle for Ilan Shor, but political parties, in general, are entities that are distinct from their members or leaders.
“There is a decision of the Venice Commission on the outlawing of political parties, which calls on the member states to be very careful about this,” explained Igor Botan, executive
“There is a decision of the Venice Commission on the outlawing of political parties, which calls on the member states to be very careful about this”
director of the Association for Participatory Democracy (ADEPT), last year – at the time the pro-EU authorities were considering banning Shor’s party for the first time.
Even if Ilan Shor is given a final sentence for involvement in the so-called ‘$1bn bank frauds’, and prosecutors manage to demonstrate that money stolen by Shor was used to finance the party, this would not be enough for the Constitutional Court to ban the party, he explained.
Second challenge: Moldova-Leaks.com
Moldova Leaks is the most significant negative development, after the weekly rallies organised by Shor Party and PSRM, used by the opposition parties (or rather their hidden supporters) for the pro-EU authorities.
The latest bundle of conversations include alleged evidence
Opinion 87 of arrangements being made under the table to appoint
Dragalin.
Igor Munteanu, former diplomat and founder of independent think-tank Viitorul, more recently the founder of pro-EU, pro-Nato party CUB, has suggested that the authenticity of the conversations published should be checked – and the evidence should be carefully evaluated, if valid.
Third challenge: cloning pro-EU parties
Speaking of Munteanu, he and his party are relevant for the third line of attack developed by the opposition in Moldova. A growing number of political parties of self-declared pro-EU orientation are expressing views that undermine the credibility of the pro-EU authorities or create a stat
of tension.
Sandu and Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita say they have evidence Shor’s rallies are supported by Russia, but it is unclear how many other politicians have Russia links.
Muntean recently suggested that it is the right time for Moldova to take aggressive steps against the separatist Transnistria region, by blocking all natural gas supplies to the region. In contrast, the authorities in Chisinau managed to maintain constant negotiations with Transnistria, which, until it refused to supply electricity after November 1,
also avoided any escalation. Sandu and her party have constantly argued for a peaceful settlement of the situation in Transnistria.
Munteanu and his party also called for Gavrilita's government to resign, questioning its good faith.
Former PM candidate Mariana Durlesteanu (who previously ran on the PAS ticket) is another politician of self-declared pro-EU and democratic orientation planning to set up her own party. In 2021, Durlesteanu refused the PM nomination just in time to allow then president Dodon to appoint his own candidate. She has also criticised the pro-EU authorities.
Other parties are being prepared with a view of supporting Moldova’s “statality” – an ideology meaning bilateral ties with Russia and the EU but not EU membership. One such party is Statalitate, with a low-profile leadership, linked by media to Russia.
Chisinau mayor Ion Ceban, a former Socialist Party member, also is also en route to setting up his own party. Ceban became mayor of Chisinau after a controversial court decision disqualified his pro-EU rival – even though the latter got more votes.
None of the new parties already set up has a demonstrated tie with Russia, but all of them are criticising the methods used by the current pro-EU authorities, with a particular focus on the government’s results in the year since it took office.
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