Page 11 - November 2018

you under the bus.
But what is perhaps most suspicious about Sussman is
his refusal to admit the full body of evidence that should be weighed in the Solache and DeLeon-Reyes case. That body of evidence is gathered at the federal courthouse in down- town Chicago, where the wrongful conviction movement is accused of its own corruption in two key lawsuits. In these cases, attorneys allege a pattern and practice of misconduct in the wrongful conviction movement’s claims of police mis- conduct.
Allegations of police misconduct by wrongful conviction advocates? Isn’t that exactly what is going on in the Solache and DeLeon-Reyes case? But rather than bring this evidence into the hearings that will determine whether Solache and DeLeon-Reyes are freed — and possibly get a huge payday — Sussman has wholly ignored it.
This a case in which a couple with two children, one of them an infant, was stabbed to death in their own apart- ment. Prosecutors are elected officials, sworn to fight crime. They are supposed to work hand-in-hand with police to keep violent criminals in prison.
Why, then, doesn’t Sussman subpoena the evidence in this case? Why is he allowing the claims of the chronic police ac- cusers to proceed in the courts while this evidence has not been reviewed and considered by Foxx’s administration?
Consider two very important facts about the Foxx admin- istration. First, Foxx received substantive donations to her campaign from activists with ties to the anti-police move- ment and billionaire George Soros.
From the Chicago Tribune:
Democratic donor Fred Eychaner gave $600,000 to Foxx’s
campaign. Preckwinkle’s campaign chipped in more than $300,000. Service Employees Union International affiliates gave more than $200,000.
And billionaire Democratic contributor George Soros pumped $333,000 into the Illinois Safety and Justice PAC backing Foxx, a contribution matched by the Washington, D.C.-based Civic Participation Action Fund, which bills itself as a group that aims to “promote racial equality, expand civic engagement and increase economic opportunity for low in- come communities and communities of color throughout the United States.”
The second fact is that Arthur Loevy of Loevy and Loevy, one of the most powerful wrongful conviction law firms in the state, contributed to Foxx’s campaign.
Imagine the growing political and legal power against the police with prosecutors like Foxx and Sussman, who ignore powerful evidence that could curb the anti-police move- ment in the City and who allow these groups to proceed with claims that would free convicted criminals like Solache and DeLeon-Reyes.
Their supporters file lawsuits claiming police misconduct. They get settlements. Some of that money is used to bolster the campaigns of politicians like Foxx and to support judges who agree with them. They file more lawsuits, settle for more money. And on and on it goes.
In the crusade to free convicted felons by claiming police misconduct, Sussman’s refusal to take into account evidence of wrongdoing is a dire sign for Chicago — a sign that the media ignores, but one that is altogether crucial to watch. d
CHICAGO LODGE 7 ■ NOVEMBER 2017 11