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three countries is enhanced and superior to single stand-alone
                     15
            systems.  By preventing integrated missile defense China
            supports North Korea and ensures a weaker defense system
            should China decide to engage in direct military confrontation
            with the three allies. China is hedging its bets and is preparing
            for the possibility of eventual conflict.


            The third “No” is no trilateral alliance among South Korea,
            Japan, and the United States. This is one of the things
            China likely fears the most. The combined military power is
            likely superior to Chinese military power. Although China
            downplays alliances it likely envies the U.S. system. Perhaps it
            is because China has only one ally, North Korea.


            To summarize so far, China has two sets of “Three No’s,” one
            focused on the North and one on the South. It desires to
            maintain the status quo with a viable North Korea to serve as
            a buffer. It exploits the North’s nuclear capabilities to create
            dilemmas for the U.S. However, it is preparing for the long
            term and that may include a united Korea. It does not want
            to absorb North Korea but instead would likely allow South
            Korea to bear the full burden. China seeks a weakened Korea
            so that it may dominate the Peninsula economically and
            diplomatically. And it is focused on one overarching goal:
            to drive U.S. troops off the Asian landmass so that it may
            dominate Northeast Asia.






            15    Choi Kang, “An Integrated ROK-U.S.-Japan Missile Defense System Must Be Established,” The Asan Institute
              for Policy Studies, August 29, 2023, https://en.asaninst.org/contents/an-integrated-rok-u-s-japan-missile-
              defense-system-must-be-established/


            Chapter Five : “Three No’s” Times Two: China’s North and South Korea Policy  83
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