Page 415 - Truncal States to UAE_Neat
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Chapter Nine

                    I he question of whether the general public of the entire UAE
                  should be entitled to have a say in the manner of exploitation of the
                 petroleum resources, the role of national oil companies, and the
                 channelling of payments for oil liftings, was always in a few people’s
                 minds but was first voiced aloud only during the constitutional crisis
                 of Spring 1979.
                    Wealth derived from sources other than oil has also been a cause
                          '>ersy within the Federation because the individual Emir-
                             bly put the maximum possible exploitation of all
                               which offer themselves within their own boundaries,
                                lg the common good of the UAE. The first attempt, in
                                 'ding a consolidated account of government finan-
                                 » federal accounts as well as those of Abu Dhabi,
                                nd Ra\s al Khaimah,152 demonstrates that some 15
                               revenues in the general public sector came in 1978
                              dher than oil.153 Much of the additional revenue was in
                            which the individual Emirates’ governments received as
                       or borrowed from local and foreign banks. Of this money little
                 was channelled into community projects and services, since both
                 were by then to a large extent provided by the federal administration.
                 These funds were used for projects such as the Emirates’ airports,
                 harbours, tourist facilities and government-initiated commercial and
                 industrial projects such as hotels, the dry dock in Dubai, other repair
                 docks, and industrial ventures of a wide variety.
                   From the 1960s onwards growth has fed on growth, even
                 demonstrating a geographical pattern. Before Dubai exported oil it
                 benefited substantially from Abu Dhabi’s oil boom by serving as an
                 entrepot trader and a station for many oil-industry related com­
                 panies; when Dubai started to export oil, continuing to cultivate its
                 other commercial opportunities, Sharjah too benefited from its
                 proximity to this growth economy; now *Ajman and Umm al Qaiwain
                 house some of the expatriate population from both slates. Ra’s al
                 Khaimah still hopes to find oil and meanwhile finances its own very
                 much smaller growth with grants from Abu Dhabi and abroad and
                 loans from local and foreign banks, who all appear to consider Abu
                 Dhabi oil as the ultimate security for such loans.
                   Economic expansion in varying degrees throughout all the seven
                 Emirates, not least on the east coast, has become an accustomed
                pattern  i into which industrialisation fitted well. Industrialisation
                 was i considered the national priority both at federal and at local
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