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The Formation of the Federation
very workable constitution. But in some cases a subject which was
hotly disputed while the constitution was being prepared became an
integral part of the political life of the country, and far from raising
further objections to such a provision in the constitution, such a
subject was soon treated as the only sensible way of dealing with
that particular matter.124
Political life everywhere depends on this phenomenon of political
dynamism which constantly renders the outcome of yesterday’s
controversies today’s commonly accepted principles. Thus for a long
time it was not seriously disputed that the oil-exporting member
States may have full sovereignty over this natural resource, as in turn
the other Emirates enjoy a surprisingly free hand in the development
of their resources, which may, as in the example of Sharjah, be
special conditions for attracting commerce or tourism.
Containing as it does a fair number of still relevant and respected
compromises, it is all the more interesting to dwell on the fact that the
entire constitution, in particular its compromises, might have had a
very different emphasis if it had been worked out and agreed upon
just by the seven emirates alone which are now bound by it. It has
been demonstrated on the previous pages that a great deal of the
spirit of the constitution is the result of deep engagement in these
matters in particular by a number of people in Doha and Bahrain. For
the three years during which the Federation of the nine Emirates
existed on paper, the Qatari delegation left no stone unturned in an
attempt to mould the federation to make it conform to certain
principles which were first propagated in Doha government circles
early in 1968; they remained quite inflexible throughout this entire
period, more out of preference for certain principles than out of
practical political necessity. Bahrain was more dynamic, ready to
rescind old grievances, once decisions had been taken and agree
ments reached; its delegations were open to novel proposals and
additional compromises as the discussions proceeded; Bahraini
flexibility was, however, instantly suspended when the general
consensus on certain issues cut across vital political interests of the
State of Bahrain.
Both Emirates raised a great number of issues which might never
have been thought of, had the seven Emirates been on their own in
the process of constitution-making. Many compromises which now
form part of the constitution would have been settled very differently
without the presence of Bahrain and Qatar.
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