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rate for whites was 9.9 percent, half the rate of 1959. By 1980, black poverty had again
declined, but only by a modest amount, to 32.5 percent, whereas white poverty had
actually risen to 10.2 percent. These relatively unimpressive figures came at the end of a
decade notable for a substantial increase in oil prices and general economic stagnation.
Poverty for blacks again dropped slightly by 1990, to 31.9 percent; for whites, the rate
was 10.7 percent. By 2000, however, black poverty had registered another substantial
decrease, to 22.5 percent; the rate for whites stood at 9.5 percent.11
These statistics demonstrate that for both whites and blacks, the 1960s were crucial in
bringing down the rate of poverty in America. They also show that while the rate of decline
in poverty has slowed considerably, the rate of decline for black poverty has exceeded that
for whites, and blacks have continued to make progress despite the transition from an
economy based on industrial production to one anchored in services, knowledge, and high
technology.

That is the good news. The not-so-good news is that poverty for blacks remains far higher
than for whites and indeed exceeds the rate for most immigrant groups, including groups
that have come to America in substantial numbers only recently.

A similar racial gap can be found in America’s unemployment statistics. Thus in 1980, the
unemployment rate for whites was 6.3 percent while the rate for blacks was 14.3 percent.
In 1990, the white rate was 4.8 percent; for blacks, unemployment stood at 11.4 percent.
Eight years later, in the midst of a period of sustained growth, jobless rates for whites
stood at 3.9 percent; for blacks the figure was 8.9 percent.12 Finally, for the first quarter
of 2006, the average monthly rate for whites was 4.1 percent, with a 9.2 percent rate for
blacks.
In other words, as with the ratio for poverty rates, the black-white unemployment ratio has
remained more or less steady since the Labor Department began to examine racial and
ethnic subcategories. Whether the economy is robust or in recession, the rate of black
unemployment remains at slightly more than twice the level for whites. An additional factor
is the number of adults who have dropped out of the workforce and are not counted in
jobless statistics. In this category, blacks are represented at a higher rate than other racial
or ethnic groups.

The statistics for educational attainment are somewhat more positive. According to a
Census Bureau report for 2003, school dropout rates by race and ethnicity were as
follows: white, 7.9 percent; black, 12.2 percent; Asian, 1 percent; Hispanic, 24 percent.
Likewise, the figures for college enrollment show that while blacks continue to lag, their
enrollment level is high by historical standards. Of all students enrolled in college in 2003,
68 percent were white, 13 percent were black, 7 percent were Asian, and 10 percent were
Hispanic.13 This represents a major shift over the previous two decades. In 1983, white
college enrollment was 86 percent of the total; for blacks, the figure was 10 percent, while
4 percent were in the “other races” (including Asian) category, and 4 percent were
Hispanic.14 Studies have also shown that a college degree has a greater impact on the
future earnings of blacks than on earnings for whites or other groups. For example, a
study conducted by the National Center for Educational Statistics showed that for blacks
and whites aged 25–34 with undergraduate university degrees, the ratio of earnings was
1.06, or near parity. Put another way, in 2003 black college graduates earned $40,900 on

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