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organize and represent workers has proceeded further in the United States than in many
other countries, trade-union decline has occurred worldwide, including in countries where
the political and legal environment is friendlier than in America.

What has distinguished the United States from most other societies is that inequality, as
measured in the narrowest terms of income and wealth, barely figures in the American
political debate. To be sure, Americans have responded politically to fears over economic
insecurity during times of mass layoffs by major corporations, and have expressed a desire
for a more robust level of social welfare benefits. But the reports of huge salaries for CEOs
or the excessive lifestyles of entertainers and professional athletes, not to mention the
mundane statistics that demonstrate the increased level of inequality, have had surprisingly
little resonance among ordinary Americans. This, however, may be changing. Opinion
surveys show a major increase in the proportion of Americans who are concerned about
rising inequality and who believe that they are among the society's "have-nots." According
to a poll conducted by the Pew Research Center, in 2007 fully 48 percent of Americans
believe the country is divided into "haves" and "have-nots," compared to 26 percent in
1988. During that same period the percentage of Americans who identified themselves as
part of the have-nots doubled from 17 to 34 percent.

At the same time, the United States in many important ways remains committed to equal
opportunity in employment and education. The pillars of the country's antidiscrimination
regime are detailed here and in other chapters in this study. The progress that women
have made, especially in education and the economy, stands as powerful evidence of the
seriousness of the American commitment. It also reminds us of the importance of the
openness of American society to new ideas, demands, and causes. Without freedom of
association, freedom of expression, and the freedom to advocate for a political agenda,
gains for women would not have been possible. Likewise, the integration of immigrant
groups, especially those of non-European origin, testifies to the ability of American society
to judge people by their characters and achievements rather than by religion or skin color.
The high-profile representation of Asians and Latinos in the upper echelons of the Bush
administration reflects a broader reality within the corporate world, in small business, and
in the nonprofit sector. In no other society would one find as many women, minorities, or
children of immigrants in high positions of power and authority as in the United States.

And while the United States has taken little direct action to ameliorate the negative effects
of economic change, it must be credited with having established a system of higher
education that offers an efficient route to success for both elites and ordinary citizens in an
era in which knowledge often determines destiny. The Unites States boasts a system of
colleges and universities that offers education to students with a broad range of abilities,
interests, and income levels.

At the same time, the decline of organized labor represents a decline in workers' right to
associate and a serious blemish on American democracy. Labor's critics argue that workers
today are simply not interested in unions and are content with their conditions of
employment. The fact that trade-union membership in the private sector in Canada is four
times that of the United States casts doubt on this contention. More to the point, it is

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