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Colonization Of Liberia:
The Dark Side
he morning after the
2016 American Presi- dential Election, many Americans (including Black Americans,) talked about and acted upon moving to Canada, the Caribbean is- lands, and other countries. Indeed, their sense of hope- lessness and fear of what America could become drove many of them to relocate.
These discussions re- minded me of another time in American History when newly freed Blacks migrated to the colony of Liberia, Africa in the early 1800s be- cause of discrimination and acts of hate against free Blacks with the help of mem- bers of the American Colo- nization Society (ACS), founded in Washington, D. C., in 1816.
Even though the ACS promoted, paid for and sup- ported the “return” of free Blacks to a colony in Africa, most slaves and free Blacks had come to consider Amer- ica as home and chose to stay in America and fight for their rights and freedom.
Many wealthy slave own- ers joined the ACS and sup- ported the organization because they believed Blacks would have better chances for freedom in Africa than in the United States. Liberia de- clared its independence in mid 1847, but the United States did not recognize Liberia’s independence until 15 years later (1862).
However, between 1822 and 1862, more than 15,000 freed and free-born Blacks
and 3,200 Afro-Caribbeans relocated to Liberia. These free Blacks and their descen- dants married within their communities, and came to identify themselves as “American-Liberians.”
Many were steeped in American culture and were of mixed race, finding it dif- ficult to identify with the in- digenous natives of neighboring tribes. Indeed, several states, (Maryland and Mississippi, etc.) estab- lished state-based colonies which were later annexed by Liberia. The states allocated funds up to $200,000 to fa- cilitate the colonization process – beautification of settlement areas, 5 acres of land to farm, low interest loans to be forgiven as long as the settlers remained in Liberia, free passage, and publicizing the migration’s advantage.
State legislatures em- ployed such tactics as repeal of voting rights, loss of right to hold public office, and loss of right to serve on juries as a means of encouraging freed slaves and free Blacks to im- migrate to Liberia.
Members of the Dei, Bass, Kru, Golan, and Kissi tribes were among the in- digenous Africans who wel- comed the freed slaves to Liberia in 1822. Yet, the Americo-Liberians rebuffed the indigenous Liberians be- cause each group’s cultural influences were different and neither group understood the others’ culture.
However, indigenous
Africans understood very well that many freed Black slaves returned to Africa be- cause of white America’s fear of slave revolts in the Caribbean and that their re- turn had economic, political, social, and security implica- tions.
Worthy of note is the fact that Paul Cuffie, a wealthy Black ship owner, trans- ported the first group of 88 Blacks to Sierra Leone in 1812. Members of that group eventually migrated to Liberia, officially named the Republic of Liberia.
There existed and still ex- ists an American-Liberian versus native Liberian class struggle and civil war men- tality wherein identity, class, education, politics, govern- ment, culture, religion, and leadership separate the groups within the country. Indeed, American-Liberians and their descendants made up less than 5 percent of the Liberian population.
Yet, they dominated the religious, cultural, political, and social institutions in the country. Standards for dress, western names, customs, holidays, greetings, social kissing, and hand-shaking were established based upon the Western cultural of the freed slaves and free Blacks. There was also political ri- valry among Liberians based upon light-skinned Blacks and their darker-skinned counterparts.
Indeed, author-historian Paulo Friere’s observation that “the oppressed tends to emulate the oppressor” is a true-but-tense view on the future of the Gemini nation of Liberia, born from the de- ceptive hope that sending African slaves back to Africa would somehow dissolve the guilt and fear which White America was uncertain as to whether it could survive. Harrambee.
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C. Blythe Andrews 1901-1977 (1945)
C. Blythe Andrews, Jr. 1930-2010 (1977)
Peter And The Wolf, American Style
lmost a century later, itstill causes most people’s
blood to turn cold. We’re referring to Sergei Prokofiev’s symphony Peter and the Wolf, the story of a mischievous boy who lied that he was stalked by a wolf, only to fall prey to his own prank when an actual wolf did indeed attack him.
Such must be how a Black U. S. Air Force Academy cadet feels, having been accused of starting a hoax which pointed a false finger at some unknown white cadet who smeared a racial slur on the Colorado Air Force Academy campus.
But what has followed must be pure hell not only for academy students regardless of race, but for the insti- tution itself in a time when courts of public opinion often outweigh the courts of common sense.
So, what will happen to this young man or woman that might send a message that such chicanery is not tolerated on one of America’s foremost institutions of higher learning?
The cadet has been expelled. Criminal action may be discussed, but probably not acted on.
But how is this obvious example of psychological sickness to be dealt with so it may not happen again? What is the red flag flown that warns the school, the na- tion, the world what to look out for when Peter sets off a series of false fire alarms?
Undoubtedly, the former cadet’s parents are beside themselves with embarrassment and confusion. Com- ments made must now be taken back, but how so?
As for the young “Peter who most recently cried wolf,” this time the wolf was a racial slur. But what might happen if he or she runs for and wins the presi- dency of the United States, a place where wolves are known to carry nuclear switchblades? Who then shall stop the wolf from having dinner?
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