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The Ideal of Self-Employment.

    them the English  Christian SociaUsts.  But probably  it sprang
    native from the ground amongst the more idealistic of the Rochdale
     Pioneers.  It became an ideal of mid-century co-operation.  Outside
    the  co-operative movement  it remained an independent  force.
    Through William Morris this ideal of free craftsmen associated in
    groups began a new literary career, and in another generation we
    have seen the same force sending out another wave from France in
    the extreme labour movement of sj'ndicalism.
       But European civilisation meanwhile has become vastly more
    complex.  And  its development, while  it has made impossible a
    resolving of society into a workers' paradise simply, at the same
    time has opened a newer and still larger prospect for democracy.
    The mediaeval worker could understand the solidarity of society
    through devotion to his guild, his church, and his king.  He could
    not have understood the idea of an organic commonwealth, a free
    community, organising industry not primarily for the workers, in
    the narrower sense of the word, but for the whole body.  Indeed,
    although foreshadowed by ancient philosophers, and familiar in the
     religious world since St. Paul's famous definitions of the memljers
     and the body, as a prmciple to be followed in mundane affairs this
     idea  is  still new,  imperfectly grasped, and undeveloped.  The
     socialism of 1848 did not know it; the state socialism of Marx only
     partly recognised  it, and the word "collectivism" to-day rather
     baldly represents  it.  The co-operative voyagers came across  it
     incidentally rather than of intent—as Columbus sailed to the West
     " Indies."  They landed on the shores of this unexplored continent
     when they discovered the consumer, and then found that everybody
     is a consumer and that an organisation of consumers is an organised
     whole.  And by the lips of Mitchell the general sense of the idea
     continually was expressed in the phrase the  "  body politic."  He
     was no abstract thinker, but he was tenacious of a true idea, and
     it was for its practical value that he held so steadily to a dim yet
     brightening ideal of industry by and for an entire community.  In
     the democracy of such a community the masses of workers would
     always be secure of justice, although they would remain servants of
     the one united body.  "  Labour," said Mitchell (Newcastle Branch
     celebrations, December  21st,  1892),  "  in his opinion ever would
     secure a better reward in serving the body politic than in serving
               "
     individuals;  and again (C.W.S. General Meeting, September 10th,
     1892)  : "  We have no desu-e to cheapen labour. We want to cheapen
     production by advancing labour as much as possible."
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