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The Formation of Belief                315

            relation between theory and data within some logical or mathematical cal-
            culus  did  not  attract  the  new  generation.  Thomas  Kuhn’s  The  Structure  of
            Scientific Revolutions, first published in 1962 but better known in its second,
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            1970,  edition,  broke  with  the  formal  approach.   Kuhn’s  critique  of  Popper
            was blunt: “no process yet disclosed by the historical study of [science] at all
            resembles the methodological stereotype of falsification by direct comparison
                       54
            with nature.”  This was a declaration that a philosophy of science should be
            accountable to data from the history of science and describe how episodes of
            theory change unfold.
               Using the Copernican conversion from a geocentered to a heliocentered
            theory of the planetary system as his main example, Kuhn argued three related
            theses. First, in the normal case, scientists do not conduct studies to test their
            theories. instead, they use those theories to solve problems, explain phenom-
            ena, interpret data or answer questions. Kuhn called this activity puzzle solving;
            perhaps his work would have been better received if he had used the less belit-
            tling label “problem solving.” Although Kuhn’s main examples are drawn from
            physics, it is not difficult to think of examples from other sciences. A chemist
            who studies a chemical reaction does not usually intend to verify or falsify the
            atomic theory of matter, the periodic table or the theory of the co-valent bond.
            He uses those theories to describe how the reaction of interest unfolds. When
            researchers agree on what constitutes a worthwhile problem and on the crite-
            ria for a successful solution, they are engaged in normal science.
               if scientists normally apply rather than test their theories, how and why do
            they ever abandon them? Kuhn’s second thesis was that scientists sometimes fail
            to solve the problem they set themselves. The phlogiston theory enabled chemists
            to solve a good many problems in chemistry, but not all; Jean-Baptiste Lamarck’s
            theory of evolution enabled biologists to understand the fitness between a spe-
            cies and its environment, but not the geographic distribution of species; and so
            on. An unsolved research problem is a cause for dissatisfaction, but the state-
            ment I believe this theory is true but I have so far been unable to solve problem
            so­and­so does not express a logical contradiction. The problem might be (tem-
            porarily) unsolvable for other reasons than that the theory is false, including
            limits on the scientist’s creativity or mathematical skills, undetected equipment
            failures or lack of data. Kuhn did not emphasize (and his many commentators
            tend to overlook) that his reconceptualization of cognitive conflict injected a
            pragmatist thread into the study of theory change. The trigger for change is not
            falsifying evidence but failure to solve a problem, a very different concept.
               sensitivity  to  historical  data  led  Kuhn  to  describe  theory  change  as  a
            protracted affair. An unsolved problem is an anomaly only if it has resisted
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