Page 22 - INDONESIAN ISLAMIC CULTURE
P. 22

clergy as the keepers of the faith, and the ruling elites, the umara. In this   From the trajectory of the stories on the Islamization process it is apparent
 regard it is understandable why Sultan Agung (1613-1646), the ruler of   that the spread of Islam was actually local and started with a single point of
 Mataram, was not satisfied just to carry the name and the title of Sultan   “dismissal” and then moved on to places inhabited by other communities.
 Abdul Muhammad Maulana Matarani of Mecca.  He also deliberately   These initially isolated local communities became the beachheads for
 17
 called himself Sayiddin Kalifatullah Panatagama and with this title he was   a temporary halt in the process of spreading Islam. Subsequently, the
 not only a worldly king but also a “caliph” who governed religious life. But   propagators departed from the “beach dismissal” each in his own style to
 was he also not still recognized as the “husband” of Nyai Loro Kidul, the   continue to share the received sacred messages. Either through the living
 immortal queen of the southern ocean? In this way he wanted to base his   oral tradition or in traditional historiography the “receiving areas” did not
 integrated order on the “tradition of dialogue”. The “tradition of dialogue”,   forget the services rendered to it by the “sending areas”. On the contrary,
 which was derived from the dynamics of Islamization in an atmosphere of   because political passion might come into play, the “source areas” usually
 political competition, would at any time present itself. In this tradition we   did not remember and did not even know that this had happened. The
 can understand that Amangkurat I, the Mataram ruler who was reluctant   services were not only forgotten when political power came into play. So it
 to use the title of Sultan, preferred to call himself Susuhunan, did so   was narrated that the twin kingdom of Goa-Tallo came to aid a prince from
 because he was loath to continue the integrative efforts of his father,   Bima to regain the throne his uncle had taken away from him. When these
 Sultan Agung. As Rijklof van Goens reported, Amangkurat I just killed   expectations were met, Goa-Tallo also sent religious scholars, who came
 about two thousand scholars. He saw this group as a threat to his royal   from Minangkabau, to deliver the message of Islam. 19
 power. In fact, says Van Goens, so many got killed that after many days   Since the fall of Majapahit (although local information says 1478, historical
 many bodies had still not been buried. Amangkurat I’s political notion and   records tends to place its fall in the early years of the 1520s), the extension
 behavior show that the process of Islamization occurred in an atmosphere   of Islamic territory did not only continue, it did so even more extensively. It
 of political competition.
                           was extensive despite the fact that in 1511 Malacca, one of the world trade
 Interesting is also the statement of Kyai Maja, a scholar and chief of a   centers and the center of the spread of Islam, had fallen into the hands of
 perdikan village who faithfully accompanied Pangeran Diponegoro. But   the Portuguese, who acted in a spirit of vengeful “conquest”. After these
 eventually he decided to leave the ranks of the resistance. He was forced to   two political events in which two great powers had bent their knees, the
 do this, he said, because he saw that the prince had made himself a “ratu”   Nusantara world experienced an atmosphere of “stable instability”. Great
 (lit. king), a ruler within the resistance group.  Kyai Maja was still distrusted   kingdoms constantly presented themselves and competed incessantly, while
 18
 by the Dutch. Kyai Maja, his family and his followers were banished to the   small power centers were too busy looking for ways to escape the dangers
 Minahasa. Apparently the Dutch could not trust him, was not the ulama the   posed by the major central powers. From a cultural point of view, however,
 chief assistant of Prince Diponegoro the enemy of the Dutch.  it appeared to be a time of flowing political power in which various literary
                           works were written and Islamic thinking and scholarship began to sail
 “The tradition of dialogue” between rulers and scholars which almost always
 oscillated between “romance” and “conflict” was trapped in the vicissitudes   through cultural life and creative thinking.
 of history. Sometimes the moments of intimate peace occurred but the trap   IV
 of the historical character of the “dialogue” was just too reluctant to resign.
 In addition to their traditional social institutions, “the perdikan villages”,   Examining the theological messages written on the inscription on Sultan
 which were controlled by priests and later by ulama, the continuation of “the   Malikus Saleh’s tombstone, it seems that the text simply conveys the
 tradition of dialogue” was rooted also in the critical events at the beginning   creatures’ recognition of their relationship with God. It also states implicitly
 of the Islamization process. Historical memory did not forget the fact that the   that from then on Pasai had become part of the “Muslim world”. But it seems
 kingdom had been defeated and that “Islam had conquered the state”. After   that the religious life that radiates from the tombstone’s text is as if it was left
 all Majapahit lose its power because it had been defeated by the Islamic   alone in isolation. Thence, the tombstone exudes a monologue.
 sultanate of Demak.       This historical source relates the story of the Sultan’s activities to expand
 17.  Ricklefs, Mystic Synthesis in Java, 51.  19.  M. Hilir Ismail, Peran Kesultanan Bima dalam perjalanan Sejarah Nusantara, Mataram:
 18.  Peter Carey, “The Cultural Ecology of Early Nineteenth Century Java: Pangeran   Lengge, 2004, also Henri Chambert-Loir & Siti Maryam R. Salahuddin, Bo’ Sangaji Kai:
 Dipanagara, a case study”, Occasional Paper no.24. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies,   catatan Kerajaan Bima, Jakarta: École francaise d’Extrême Orient & Yayasan Obor Indonesia,
 Singapore, 1974.          1999.



 12  Indonesian Islamic Culture in Historical Perspectives      Indonesian Islamic Culture in Historical Perspectives  13
   17   18   19   20   21   22   23   24   25   26   27