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So, enjoy the translation and the theological meaning of the inscription on   for the right wind to continue their voyages it is possible that various things
 the tombstone of Sultan Malikus-saleh (1297), the hero who had become the   may have happened and, like in the case of Ibn Battuta, wandering religious
 king of Samudera Pasai (Aceh), the first Islamic kingdom:  scholars may have been a normal phenomenon?  Moreover, if scholars had
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                           listened to the stories recorded in all kinds of traditional historiographies,
 “Indeed, the world is transitory. The world is not eternal. Indeed, the
 world is like a spider’s nest. Verily for you this world is sufficient. Hi,   they may have come to the conclusion that the different historical events
 people looking for strength. Life is short. Everyone in the world will   they contain are illustrations of regional differences.
 certainly die.” 5
                           III
 The tombstone seems to have come from Gujarat. Is it possible that Islam
 entered Nusantara via northern India? A debate was started and many   The scholarly debate about the arrival of Islam in the archipelago is part of
 scientists were in favor of the theory that Islam came to these islands from   the efforts of scholars to explain the origins of socio-cultural realities and
 Gujarat. However, during the time of Sultan Malikus Saleh, Gujarat cannot   the impact of Islam’s presence in all areas of life. When the development
 be regarded as a region with many Muslims. Scholars who doubted that   and spread of Islam was further explained, various unusual additional
 Islam came from Gujarat said that it was more likely that the spreaders of   explanations were also put forward. It was said that Islam spread since the
                             th
 Islam came to these islands from the Coromandel coast and Malabar. Can   16  century when several power centers had embraced this religion and that
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 this reconstruction of history be accepted? An Indian scientist, moreover,   it was related to what Schrieke said was a “race with Christianity”.  Meant
 saw the possibility of Bengal as the source of the spread of Islam to the   to address a different historical fact but similar in tone, this is also what van
 archipelago.              Leur commented about the deep level of the Islamization process in Java.
                           This Islamization process, he said, just hit the awareness of the upper layer
 But what if the maritime trade stemmed from the Persian Gulf? In that   of the Javanese community. So for him Islam in Java was only a thin outer
 case, it is very likely that Islam propagated its existential meaning in this   cultural layer and Islam was thus not an essential element of the basic
 archipelago directly from Arabia. But based on what evidence? Considering   structure of the cultural awareness of the Javanese.  But, is this historical
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 the centuries-old maritime trade between the Persian Gulf and the coast of   reality, and, also sociologically, true?
 China one might wonder if China was the origin of the arrival of Islam to this
 archipelago. According to this controversial argument, did some of the “wali   We should realize that the objective reading of historical sources is often
 sanga” (nine saints), actually come from China?  biased by theoretical assumptions, usually inseparable from cultural
                           presumptions, and often even by a combination of both. The problem is
 Scholars continue to argue in order to arrive at the historical truth. Only   compounded when cultural and theoretical assumptions are reinforced by
 some years ago Drewes,  a prominent philologist who wrote about a variety   colonial political interests. Starting from the three modes of presumption
 6
 of texts on Islam in Java, vented his skepticism about the possibility of there   of what is called the usually colonial policy was formulated. But never
 being only one single solution to this issue. If Islamization is defined as the   mind. With or without the three modes of presumption that might be felt
 third phase in the process of the beginning of a deliberate spread of Islam,   subversive the usual historical sources also threw various possibilities of
 then the growth of political power should also be taken into account.  reconstruction-- like the actual problem of origins before being coiled by
 Thus, the start of the sophisticated debates Anthony Johns initiated   various shades of historical dynamics. If so, it may be said that the case of
 seemed to lose their initial spirit.  It is not debated any longer whether the   Samudra-Pasai is unique as well.
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 propagators were traders who earned their living while taking the time to   The impressions we get from reading the memories of Marco Polo and Ibn
 convey the “divine message”, as often asserted. Or is it, as Johns stressed,   Battuta about Samudera-Pasai are strengthened by oral stories recorded
 that this proselytizing was due to members of Sufi Orders who actively   in two written texts – the Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai and the Sejarah Melayu
 traveled around to introduce the scripture. When the traders were waiting
                           (or Sulalatus Salatin). Although the Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai tells that even
 5.  T. Ibrahim Alfian, Kontribusi Samudra Pasai terhadap Studi Islam Awal Asia Tenggara,   though Pasai had been defeated by the Hindu Kingdom Majapahit in East
 Yogyakarta: Ceninnetss Press, 2002. This inscription quotes Q.S. a-Rahman (55) and Q.S.
 al-Aniya (21).            8.  Taufik Abdullah, “Kata Pengantar”, in Ross E. Dunn, Petualangan Ibnu Battuta: Seorang
 6.  G.W.J. Drewes, “New Light on the coming of Islam to Indonesia?”, B.K.I.,124, 4, 433-459.   Musafir Muslim Abad 14”, Jakarta: Yayasan Obor, 1995, xiii-xxi.
 7.  Anthony H. Johns, “Tentang Kaum Mistik dalam penulisan sejarah Islam” in Taufik Abdullah   9.  B.O.J. Schrieke, Indonesian Sociological Studies, vol. II. Bandung/The Hague: W. van
 (ed.) Sejarah dan Masyarakat: Lintasan Historis Islam di Indonesia. Jakarta: Pustaka Firdaus,   Hoeve, 1955.
 1987.                     10.  J.C. van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, Bandung/The Hague: W. van Hoeve, 1955.



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