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century to claim that the region was civilizationally connected to Poland, rather than to the Russian

               empire. For Polish nationalists of a more Romantic bent, the broader region of the eastern


               borderlands to which Volhynia belonged—known in Polish as kresy—was central to the formation of

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               a noble (szlachta) national identity that also embraced ethnically non-Polish populations.
               Nationally minded poets of the nineteenth century like Adam Mickiewicz and Juliusz Słowacki, both


               of whom hailed from the multilinguistic kresy, wrote about the area as one of national and religious

               harmony, imbued with the spirit of the Polish nation. If Polishness was defined by diversity,

               Volhynia was its quintessential symbol, a colorful mosaic of languages, religions, and ways of life,


               far removed from the ethnic center. And yet what Polish elites meant by civilization was itself

               changing. While some continued to celebrate a heroic national mission in the kresy, by the late

               nineteenth century, others were holding Volhynia up against a pan-European list of “civilized”

               characteristics. They found it, and the rest of the kresy, to be seriously wanting.


                       The shift toward thinking about the kresy as a backward region in need of Poland’s

               civilizational guidance accelerated after the failure of the 1863 armed uprising against Russian

               imperial rule when Polish intellectuals began to focus their attention on a scientific construction of a

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               nation that was to include ordinary people (in Polish, lud).  As scholars engaged in modern

               academic disciplines like ethnography and geography, and as the Positivistic concept of the-nation-

               as-everyday-work gained popularity, many argued that the primitive mentality and outlook of


               populations in Volhynia was creating a worryingly circular relationship between environment and

               people. In a typical account, the Polish ethnographer Eugeniusz Frankowski, who journeyed to the


               15  During the interwar years, the term also covered the six provinces that lay along the Polish-Soviet border, as well
               as the eastern parts of Lwów and Białystok provinces, and, in some cases, the whole of eastern Galicia, which had
               been under Austrian rule prior to 1914. For more on the kresy as an imagined space, see Jacek Kolbuszewski, Kresy
               (Wrocław, 1995); Stefan Kieniewicz, “Kresy. Przemiany Terminologiczne w Perspektywie Dziejowej,” Przegląd
               Wschodni 1, no. 1 (1991): 3-13; Feliks Gross, “Kresy: The Frontier of Eastern Europe,” Polish Review 23, no. 2
               (1978): 3-16. More recently, see Tomasz Zarycki, The Ideologies of Eastness in Central and Eastern Europe
               (London and New York, 2014), particularly 115-151.
               16  Brian Porter, When Nationalism Began to Hate: Imagining Modern Politics in Nineteenth-Century Poland
               (Oxford, 2000).


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