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rule, and they criticized the deleterious effects that Germanizing policies, including Bismarck’s

               Kulturkampf and the internal colonization program, had had on Polish cultural, economic, and


                                     68
               political developments.  But while traditional Polish historiography tended to depict the creation of
               the new state as the triumph of long-term anti-German sentiments that culminated in the Greater

               Polish Uprising of 1918-19, most Polish-speaking populations in prewar Posen had not pushed for


                             69
               independence.  In fact, attitudes toward the German state were doubled-edged. Even if German
               imperial personnel had described Poles through the language of backwardness, Poznanian elites

               argued that the experiences of German rule, along with their own practices of organic work within

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               the empire, made them the most effective carriers of European civilization in the new Polish state.

               After all, when post-Bismarckian state officials attempted a policy of “uplift” (Hebungspolitik)

               among Polish populations, Posen—with its new municipal facilities and regulated streets—had

                                     71
               formed the centerpiece.  As Polish-speaking elites in Poznań looked to navigate their position in the

               wake of the German empire’s collapse, they articulated a civilizing mission that drew upon the same

               terms as those used by the imperial authorities that had governed here until recently.

                       Poznań was also a largely Endecja-supporting city. In the 1922 election for the sejm (the


               lower chamber of the Polish parliament), 76% of voters had supported the right-wing electoral bloc

               (Chrześcijański Związek Jedności Narodowej), while an even higher number (86%) had supported

                                                              72
               the bloc in the election for the upper house (senat).  Building on Endecja traditions, Poznanians

               promoted themselves as a counterpoint to the “foreign” legacies of the Russian empire in two


               68  Zygmunt Zalewski, “Rezultaty rządów niemieckich w Poznaniu,” Kronika Miasta Poznania, November 30, 1923,
               209-215.
               69  Jens Boysen, “Simultaneity of the Un-simultaneous: German Social Revolution and Polish National Revolution in
               the Prussian East, 1918/19,” in Germany 1916-23: A Revolution in Context, edited by Klaus Weinhauer, Anthony
               McElligott, and Kirsten Heinsohn (Bielefeld, 2015), 232.
               70  William W. Hagen, “National Solidarity and Organic Work in Prussian Poland, 1815-1914,” Journal of Modern
               History 44, no. 1 (1972): 38–64.
               71  Polak-Springer, Recovered Territory, 26.
               72  Tadesuz and Witold Rzepecki, Sejm i Senat 1922-1927: podręcznik dla wyborców, zawierający wyniki wyborów
               w powiatach, okręgach, województwach, podobizny senatorów i posłów sejmowych oraz mapy poglądowe (Poznań,
               1923). For Sejm: 513; for Senate: 546-7.


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