Page 124 - Histories of City and State in the Persian Gulf_Neat
P. 124

104    Histories of City and State in the Persian Gulf



              c onnec tions  betw een  Manama’s Shi‘i  lea de rs  and  t he  rural  p o pu l a-





              tion. The Ibn Rajabs, for instance, acquired land in their ancestral village,























              Bilad al-Qadim. 71    Merchants also invested in the outskirts of the town as






















              the ownership of garden properties became a sign of political prestige and





              social visibility. On particular days of the week they were used as the


























              extensions of the ma’tams and majlises of the inner city as the heads of



              prominent families received and entertained their guests or celebrated
              religious holidays.
                     Religious sentiment, patronage and public architecture
              The story of Ja‘far Muhammad Qannati illustrates the ways in which piety
              constituted an important resource base at the disposal of the mercantile
              elites of the pearl boom. Regardless of confessional orientation, the mos-
              ques and ma’tam buildings which mushroomed in the town shared impor-
              tant features: sponsorship by local a‘yan as a crucial dimension of their
              politics of patronage with their membership organised by ethnicity, local-
              ity and occupation.
                The architectural idiom and decor of religious buildings did not leave a
              powerful impression upon foreign visitors. Driven by prejudice and
              Christian zeal, Theodore Bent and his wife in 1899 dismissed
              Manama’s mosques as ‘little better than barns’. A few years later
              Cursetjee remarked that even the Friday mosque of Manama was far
              from ‘picturesque and graceful’. 72  Yet religious buildings were an impor-
              tant projection of the town’s collectivities upon urban space. On the one
              hand, their lack of visual prominence reflected the relatively low profile of
              Sunni ‘ulama’, Shi‘i clergy and mosque imams in urban society. On the
              other, their modest appearance signposted the utilitarian outlook of
              Manama’s civic ethos and the intimacy and exclusivity of its community
              networks. Religious sentiment found expression in the discreet combina-
              tion of mercantile wealth and individual devotion, rather than reflecting
              the flamboyancy of power and legitimacy emanating from a state-
              sponsored religiosity. Although the imams of Sunni mosques gravitated
              around the entourages of the ruler and of leading pearling tribes,
              Manama’s religious institutions rarely enjoyed the direct patronage of
              the tribal government as suggested by the tight network of endowments
              by merchants and residents which permeated the property structure of the
              town. Even Jami‘ al-Mahzah, the Friday mosque, one of the strongholds
              of the tribal administration, was partly supported by merchant capital. In
              71
                Minutes by Political Agent Bahrain, 21 January 1938, R/15/2/151 IOR.
              72
                Bent, Southern Arabia, p. 12; Cursetjee, The Land of the Date, pp. 88–9.
   119   120   121   122   123   124   125   126   127   128   129