Page 170 - Histories of City and State in the Persian Gulf_Neat
P. 170

150    Histories of City and State in the Persian Gulf

              of political and social modernisation. The transition from the tribal to the
              municipal administration was not always smooth. Until the end of World
              War II, the baladiyyah strengthened traditional chains of political author-
              ity and social power. Membership in the council guaranteed the merchant
              families of the pearl era and the ruling Al Khalifah family continued access
              to decision-making and local influence. The position of merchants in
              urban politics became much more dependent on pedigree and govern-
              ment support than on foreign connections and wealth, as had been the
              case before the reforms. With the connivance of the government, they
              used to their advantage essential services provided by the municipality
              such as elections, taxation and welfare.
                Until 1957 local government was the bastion of the old propertied
              classes, uniting merchants and rulers in a new institutional alliance. In
              contrast with developments in Kuwait Town, where since 1938 old mer-
              chant families used their monopoly over the baladiyyah in order to gain
              political leverage against the Al Sabah, in Manama the municipality did
              not provide merchants with an active forum of opposition to the ruling
              family. 92  In an important sense the political quiescence of the old mer-
              chant class in Bahrain is evidence of successful state centralisation in the
              1930s and 1940s. Yet in the aftermath of World War II the conservative
              alliance between the old notable class, the Al Khalifah and Belgrave was
              no longer viable as Manama became the centre of Bahrain’s nationalist
              movement. As patronage politics and sectarian divisions started to be
              played out in the arena of nationalist and labour mobilisation, the short-
              comings of the municipal regime became apparent on the backdrop of the
              social and political effervescence of the oil era. Changes in the municipal
              electoral system, for instance, can be viewed as a symptom of the decline
              of notable politics and as an attempt on the part of the government to
              co-opt a nationalist class in the making. Further, municipal intervention
              in the markets was instrumental in channelling the resentment of the
              Baharna population towards a new class struggle which was fuelled by
              the populist propaganda of al-Ha’yah. In this respect, rather than acting as
              a catalyst for political change, the municipality opened a window of
              opportunity to the rising tide of discontent against the government,
              Belgrave and the old notability. In doing so, it served as the platform for
              the consolidation of modern political mobilisation throughout Bahrain.



              92
                In Kuwait the municipality also served as the platform for the Majlis movement which
                advocated administrative reforms. See Crystal, Oil and Politics in the Gulf, pp. 46–55.
   165   166   167   168   169   170   171   172   173   174   175