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‘Disorder’, political sociability and the urban public sphere  179

            continued his activities into the new era of nationalist agitation as the
            editor of Jaridah al-Bahrayn (The Bahrain Gazette), a weekly sponsored
            by the British agency. Despite the censorship of the British authorities, he
            skilfully used his position to raise issues of political concern. In a series
            of articles published anonymously in 1941 under the title ‘The New
            Democratic Order’ he discussed democracy and individual rights in
                                  75
            several Western countries.  After his premature death, al-Za’id’s legacy
            continued with the publication of Sawt al-Bahrayn, the first independent
            monthly issued between 1950 and 1954, which served as a launching pad
            for al-Ha’yah. Its editorial board included members of Nadi al-‘Urubah
            and Nadi al-Bahrayn, including ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Bakir and ‘Abd
            al-‘Aziz Shamlan, an employee of the British Bank of the Middle East,
            who became one of the leaders of al-Ha’yah. 76
              It was this journalism which promoted Arabism as a progressive ideol-
            ogy. The press encouraged ideas of social justice and equality as the
            historic rights of nationals deriving from their membership in the concert
            of Arab nations. In championing the cause of the indigenous workforce, it
            gained the support of the lower strata of both urban and rural society. By
            1956 approximately 41 per cent of the manual labourers employed in the
            oil industry and building firms were foreign. Further, the average wages of
            oil workers and of the artisans and labourers employed by the Department
            of Public Works were low even in comparison with those of their counter-
            parts employed by private building firms. 77  To a large extent the efforts by
            BAPCO and the government at ‘nationalising’ and ‘Arabising’ the labour
            force after World War II played into the hands of the populist rhetoric of
            the national movement. Immigrants from Arab countries started to be
            regarded by the indigenous population as awlad al-‘amm (cousins), a term
            which conveyed the emotional overtones of family life and of the blood ties
            linking the nation. In his articles ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Bakir also supported
                                                                78
            the nascent labour movement in neighbouring Saudi Arabia.
              The press also deployed a new vocabulary of militancy against the
            government, depicting the nationalist struggle as one against the forces


            75
              Ghulum, ‘Abdallah al-Za‘id, pp. 17–18 and 42–56; Jaridah al-Bahrayn, ns. 128/129/130,
              Rajab 1360/August 1941, AWDU.
            76
              Rumaihi, Bahrain, pp. 209–11; Sawt al-Bahrayn: Majallah ‘Adabiyyah wa Ijtima‘iyyah,
              4 vols. (Beirut: al-Mu’assasah al-‘Arabiyyah li al-Dirasat wa al-Nashr, 2003); al-Bakir,
              Min al-Bahrayn, pp. 36–9; Nakhleh, Bahrain, pp. 63–6.
            77
              W. A. Beiling, ‘Recent Developments in Labor Relations in Bahrayn’, The Middle East
              Journal, 13.2 (1959), 156–69 (159–60); ‘Annual Report for the Year 1954’ in The Bahrain
              Government Annual Reports, 1924–1970, vol. V, p. 67; D. Finnie, ‘Recruitment and
              Training of Labor: The Middle East Oil Industry’, Middle East Journal, 12.2 (1958),
              127–43 (129–30).
            78
              Qubain, ‘Social Classes and Tensions’, 278; al-Bakir, Min al-Bahrayn, pp. 37–8.
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