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influence as was noted through Mohsin Al-Tajir’s resignation. This, however, does

not rule out the possibility that some of the NUC’s Shi’ite supporters genuinely

revered Nasser and his version of Arab nationalism.

The other element in the Movement represented the Sunnis; the driving force

of this element was Al-Bakir and Al-Shamlan. Al-Bakir seemed to have a dual

personality from 1953 up to his departure in March 1956. The personality seen in

his memoir and nationalist press differed to that in British papers found at TNA.

Though he was a self-proclaimed nationalist, he blamed in a secret meeting with the

British two other members of the Party for its radicalisation following their return

from Egypt as presented in chapter five. Furthermore, he seemed not to mind

additional British domination of the Administration when he suggested with

another frontline member of the NUC in relation to the establishment of a

commission to investigate the government’s performance that three of its six

members be chosen by HMG, as presented in chapter three. Al-Shamlan on the

other hand seemed to be genuinely inspired by nationalist ideals. He, however,

lacked political maneuvering as his insistence during Al-Bakir’s absence on having

all of the Party’s demands met in one go rather than in installments proved

detrimental. Additionally it was during his presence as Acting Secretary that the

Scouts movement was publically established, another act that harmed the NUC.

Likewise to parts of the Shi’ite community Sunnis and in particular the merchants of

Manama resented the Party for its hardline policy. However this section of society

seemed shaken and unable to vocalise its disapproval.

© Hamad E. Abdulla 300