Page 376 - Arabia the Gulf and the West
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The Masquerade                                        313


        half) in the Kuwait Oil Company. Gulf Oil believed that ARAMCO’s

        strategy of trying to keep exclusive control of Saudi Arabia’s oil reserves,
        almost regardless of cost, was mistaken. Price was just as vital a considera­
         tion as access, and guaranteed access could prove in the end to be tantamount
         to a legal obligation upon the companies to buy back participation crude
        at inflated and irrational prices. In Gulf Oil’s view, there should be no
        mandatory buying back of government crude: instead, if agreement on its price
        should prove unattainable, the government in question should be left to
        market the crude itself.
           ARAMCO rejected Gulf Oil’s arguments and went ahead with its offer of
        higher prices in return for guaranteed access to participation crude. The other

        companies had little choice but to follow suit. Between 20 December 1972 and
        22 January 1973 interim participation agreements were concluded by the
        companies concerned with Saudi Arabia, A.bu Dhabi, Qatar and Kuwait, all of
        which were to take effect from 1 January 1973. They provided fora 51 per cent
        government shareholding to be attained by 1982, rather than 1983, and they
        obliged the companies to buy back any and all participation crude that the
        governments might wish to sell them. Far from clearing the air, the agreements
        only created fresh uncertainty. The Kuwait national assembly refused to ratify

        the agreement with Gulf Oil and BP, its assorted Robespierres and Dantons
        calling variously for 60 per cent participation, complete nationalization and a
        jihad against the West. The Saudis, too, treated the agreement they had just
        signed as a dead letter, and the neighbouring small fry down the Gulf dutifully
        aped their lead. In truth, none of the Gulf governments really had its mind
        upon the actual agreements, being too enthralled by the fascinating goings-on
        in Libya and Persia in the early weeks of 1973.
           Indulgent though the terms of the Gulf participation agreements had been,
        they were looked upon with derision by Qaddafi and his fellow praetorians.
        They wanted 50 per cent participation in all oil company operations in Libya,

        and they wanted it immediately. They would pay compensation for this
        compulsorily acquired shareholding only at the net book value, not the current
        value, of the companies’ Libyan assets, and they were not prepared to give any
        assurances to the companies about future access to participation crude. Once
        again Qaddafi singled out the smaller, independent companies for attack
          ecause they had few, if any, alternative sources of supply. Starting with
          unker Hunt, he demanded that the company make over half of its producing

        concession in the Sarir field. As the Libyans already controlled half the original
        concession, which they had expropriated from BP in December 1971, com-
        P ance with their demand would have left Bunker Hunt with only a quarter of
        L b 6 comPany refused to budge, offering instead to treat with the
          1 yan government on the basis of the October 1972 general agreement on
        participation. Qaddafi thereupon turned his fire on the other independents,
        Pre erring upon them similar demands to those made upon Bunker Hunt.
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