Page 480 - Arabia the Gulf and the West
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Gazelles and Lions                                        477



          is as prone to make ad hoc moves and decisions in the face of changing
          circumstances as are the Western powers. The Kremlin is far from being
          infallible in its political judgements, as the record of its relations with the Arab
          world since the Second World War bears witness. It has revealed no signs of

          possessing any unique insight into the hearts and minds of the Arabs, nor has it
          exhibited any unusual dexterity in handling them. What it has shown has been
          an unremarkable ability to exploit for its own purposes the numerous griev­
          ances held by the Arabs in general against the West.



          Whatever view one may take of Soviet intentions towards Arabia and the Gulf,
          and of the Soviet Union’s capacity to carry them into effect, it remains that the
          Russians now possess considerable strategic and tactical advantages in the

          region which they did not possess a decade ago. These advantages, moreover,
          have been gained as much through the ineptitude and infirmity of the Western
          powers as they have by the Soviet Union’s own efforts. While the Russians may
          have miscalculated at times, they have at least attempted to ground their policy

          upon reality and not upon wishful thinking. Western policy, on the other
          hand, has been based upon illusions, upon self-deception and upon calcula­
          tions of short-term advantage. Nowhere is this more evident than in the
          formulation and execution of American policy towards Arabia and the Gulf

          during the past decade.
             However widely one may choose to define American interests in the Middle
          East, three are of obvious paramount importance, viz. the prevention, for
          strategic reasons, of Soviet domination of the region; the retention of the bulk
          of its oil reserves for the use of the Western industrial nations and Japan; and

          the preservation of the security and independence of Israel. While it may seem
          at first glance self-evident that the United States has successfully defended
          these interests over the past three decades, the fact remains that this defence
          has been wearing dangerously thin for some years now. One has only to

          compare the general Western position in the Middle East in 1945 with what it is
          today to appreciate how greatly Western power and influence in the area have
          been diminished in the intervening years, a deterioration which is in large

          measure attributable to the peculiarities and vagaries of the policy pursued
          there by the United States. While the undermining of British and French

          influence in the Middle East was a conscious early aim of that policy, it was also
          to some extent unconscious, the product of American unwillingness or in-
         a dity to understand that the strength of Britain and France as European

          powers, and therefore as allies of the United States, derived in appreciable
           egree from their imperial and post-imperial interests overseas. The United
              es was so intent upon destroying these interests for reasons of anti-colonial
         lgint]ment and commercial advantage that she failed to realize the incongruity,

         alii3 °ne l^e iniurious consequences, of supporting the British and French as
            leS ln ^Ur°pe and harrying them as rivals in Asia.
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