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NOTES
           8. See R. D. Barnett, 'The Excavations of the   do not affect Ghirshman’s main views, with which I
         British Museum at Toprak Kale near Van’, in Iraq,   agree.
         xii (1950), 1-43, with plates i-xxii, where older   23. Ghirshman, op. cit., 191 suggests that it was
         literature and a tentative reconstruction of the   made by Assyrian goldsmiths for the Scythian
         throne is given. Rachel Maxwell-Hyslop, ‘Daggers   allies of their king. If this were so, I should not
         and Swords in Western Asia’ (Iraq, vm, 1946), 44   expect any but purely Assyrian designs to be used;
         writes, ‘It is possible that where weapons were   the gifts sent by Pharaohs of die Middle Kingdom
         concerned Vannic smiths began to copy Assyrian   to Byblos, Qatnah, and other places in Asia suggest
         technique as early as the reign of Assurnasirpal II   this.
         when the cuneiform system of writing was intro­  The relation of die pectoral to Assyrian art is
         duced to Armenia from Assyria’.          similar to that of Urardan metal-work to its proto­
          9. The problem of the Scytliians is concisely and   types, and it would be possible to consider the pec­
   p. 205
         brilliantly treated by Professor Sir Ellis H. Minns in   toral a Vannic product but for the Scythian animals
         his lecture ‘The Art of the Northern Nomads’, in   at either end. It seems to me highly improbable that
         Proceedings of the British Academy, xxvm (1942).   they should have been used anywhere outside the
         ‘We must not regard nomadism as a mere stage on   domains of the Scytliians.
         the way from food-collecting to agriculture.   24. E. II. Minns, Scythians and Greeks (Cam­
         When completely developed it is a highly specializ­  bridge, 1913), 171, figure 65.
         ed mode of life enabling man to utilize vast tracts   25. Godard, Le tresor de Ziwiyc, figure 46.
         in which continuous settlement, whether pastoral   26. See A. Godard, ‘Bronzes du Luristan’ (Ars
         or agricultural, is impossible.’ (p. 7 - but the whole   Asiatica, xvn), Paris, 1931.
         passage should be read). There is also a valuable
         bibliography. The history of the period is treated   27. It was led by Dr Erich F. Schmidt of Cliicago.
         by G. Cameron, History of Early Iran (Chicago,   See Bulletin of the American Institute for Iranian Art
         1936), and also by Konig; see next note.  and Archaeology, vi (1938), 206-13. Schaeffer’s
           10. F. W. Konig, Alteste Gcschichte der Meder und   attempt to establish a ‘Louristan ancien, moyen
                                                  recent’, in Stratigraphie comparee et chronologic de
         Perser, Leipzig, 1934, suggests that this was from
                                                  I'Asie Occidentale, 477-95 and figures 263-S, is not
         642 to 615 B.C.
                                                  sufficiently well founded.
           11. Andre Godard, Le tresor de Ziwiyc (Haarlem,
         1950); see also the important study of R. Ghirsh-   28. These consist of bronze vases inscribed with
         man, in Artibiis Asiae, xm (1950), 181-206, which   names of Akkadian and later Mesopotamian rulers
         contains some illustrations now known to be of a   (Illustrated London News, 28 Oct. 1929, 667, figures
                                                  9, 10); daggers and ‘poker-butted spears’ of Early
         different provenance. See n. 31 (p. 264).
                                                  Dynastic affinities; battle-axes with simple thorns
           12. Ghirshman, loc. cit., 201.
                                                  on the back of the haft, known in Mesopotamia on
           13. Godard, op. cit., figures 40-2.
                                                  cylinder seals of Akkadian times; daggers and
           14. Op. cit., figures 81-3.            swords with a cast-on hilt some of which are in­
          15* Op. cit., figure 39.                scribed with the name of Marduk-nadin-akhe of
          16. See the extensive ‘Selected Bibliography*, in   Babylon and other rulers. The latter are types
         E. H. Minns, ‘The Art of the Northern Nomads’,   32-6 of Rachel Maxwell-Hyslop’s classification in
         Proceedings of the British Academy, 1942.  Iraq, vm (1946), 36 ff., 44 ff-‘ plates iv-v. I suspect
                                                                        >
   p. 206  17. Minns, op. cit., plate xiii(a).    that the time range, given as 1800-600 b.c., is
          18. Ghirshman, in Artibus Asiae, xm (1950),   narrower and does not start much before 1100 B.c.
         183 ff.                                   All these inscribed weapons raise a problem
                                                 which has not, to my knowledge, been faced. If
          19. Godard, op. cit., figure 48.
                                                 they were really found in Luristan (and for this we
   p. 207  20. Ghirshman, op. cit., 185, figure 7. Ghirshman
        saw in it a lion-mask, but die comparison widi the   have, on the whole, nothing but dealers’ assurances)
         lioness of Kelermes and the Mclgunov chape is   they were cither never despatched to the owner for
                                                 whom they were intended, or they were obtained
        conclusive.
                                                 as loot or received as presents, in which case they
          21. Op. cit., figure 13.
                                                 have no bearing on the Luristan metal-work at all.
          22. There is therefore  no reason to connect it   The first alternative - that they were made in
        with the reign of Esarhaddon (Ghirshman,  op. cit.,   Luristan for a Mesopotamian - is not excluded by
         198) and it is not an Egyptian feature. These
                                         matters  the presence of the cuneiform inscriptions; even
             T 2
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