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INTRODUCTION                         7
        ditions in the Gulf, Britain’s former predominant political role as the
        policeman of the region cannot still be maintained without a direct
        challenge to the national interests of the newly emerging riparian
        States concerned. The present economic realities of the Arabian Gulf,
        which has become a nucleus of international commercial activities,
        should provide the need for a fundamental revision in the archaic
        British network of relationships with the Governments of the area.
          It appears that the British Government has realised these facts
        recently, and a major change in British policy towards the Arabian
        Gulf Shaikhdoms can now be seen in the British Government’s
        announcement in January 1968 that it had decided to withdraw all its
        forces from the Gulf area by the end of 1971. It is not clear, however,
        whether this announcement can be interpreted to mean that Britain’s
        special treaty relations with the Gulf Rulers would also come to an
        end after the British withdrawal. It may be assumed, in the light of the
        present trend of British policy in the Gulf, that British withdrawal
        from the region would necessarily entail the total abrogation of this
        anachronistic protectorate system which has since the middle of the
        nineteenth century subjugated the foreign policies of the various Rulers
        to the unrivalled control of the British Government. At any rate, it is
        taken for granted in the Rulers’ circles that even if the withdrawal of
        British forces from the Gulf does not affect British treaty commitments
        to the Rulers, these commitments will practically be worthless without
        a military force to support them on the spot.
          Following this abrupt change of British policy in the Arabian Gulf,
        the Rulers, seemingly shocked and worried about their own future
        without British support, decided, therefore, with dramatic pledges of
        solidarity, to form a ‘Federation of Arab Amiratcs’. The agreement
        forming this Federation was quickly drafted and agreed upon by the
        Rulers at their summit conference held in Dubai on 27 February 1968.
        This agreement, which was signed by the Rulers of Bahrain, Qatar and
        the seven Trucial States, came into force at the beginning of the Muslim
        Hijrah year 1388 (corresponding to 30 March 1968).1
         1 The Agreement of 27 February provides, inter alia, for the establishment of a
        ‘Supreme Council’ which shall be formed of the nine Rulers in the Federation. This
        Supreme Council, constituting the highest authority in the Federation, shall draw
        up a comprehensive and permanent charter for the Federation and represent the
        foreign relations of the federated States. It shall have sole authority to formulate
        the high policy of the Federation in respect of all international, political, defence,
        economic and cultural matters. In the internal sphere, it has the right to legislate
        the necessary federal laws.
         It is clear from the provisions of this agreement that the real intention of the
        conferring Rulers was to create some sort of ‘Personal Union’ among themselves
        for the purpose of co-ordinating and unifying their foreign, defence and economic
        policies vis-a-vis foreign States which shall, in turn, recognise the Federation (or the
        Union) as one single independent and sovereign State. This type of federation docs
        not, however, interfere in the internal affairs of each member State which shall
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