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Local Variations 93


            have a significant influence on the implementation and use of educational technol-
            ogy. Yet in making sense of local variations in educational technology use, it is
            important to also acknowledge the more nebulous issue of ‘culture’ as an additional
            set of significant contextual influences. Here we are using ‘culture’ to denote the
            shared understandings, assumptions, beliefs, values and ideas of any particular society
            or group – be it in terms of local cultural values, traditional forms of knowledge or
            ways of thinking. Thus as Alison Carr-Chellman (2005, p.17) observes, any form
            of technology-based learning cannot be considered to be acultural, “but rather is
            highly dependent on the culture and context in which the learning and learners
            are embedded”.
              One of the most prominent cultural variations between countries is that of
            language. Although estimates vary, there may be up to 5,000 languages and up to
            200 writing systems in use around the world. It is no longer the case that English
            (even the simplified versions of ‘global English’ that are used around the world) is
            the only lingua franca, or that the Roman alphabet is the common standard writing
            system. Any instance of educational technology is therefore set against the linguistic
            pluralism of the contexts in which it is being implemented. In countries such as
            India this can entail over twenty different spoken languages and dialects co-existing
            within a few hundred miles of each other. Language is a practical and political issue
            in many other countries, from Nigeria to Israel, and Canada to Belgium. This
            situation is complicated further by the importance of dialects – such as the different
            forms of English that can be found around the world such as Jamaican patois and
            other forms of English-based creole. In all these cases, “language becomes a repre-
            sentative proxy of culture, and thus asking any one culture to cede to others
            [through technology use] is particularly problematic” (Carr-Chellman 2005, p.69).
              Aside from the immediate matter of language, another important cultural influ-
            ence relates to the dominant traditions of thought that underpin the historical
            development of countries and regions. In a basic sense, these traditions and philo-
            sophies can be traced back to the various dominant ‘world’ civilisations – such as
            the Sinic (Confucian-based), the Western, the Islamic and the Latin American
            (cf. Huntington 2003). While it may appear anachronistic when seeking to explain
            the use of contemporary digital technologies to hark back to the influence of these
            civilisations, they constitute an important background to any educational technol-
            ogy analysis. For example, as Joel Spring (2009) argues, despite the dominant secu-
            larist tendency in the vast majority of educational analysis and theory, we would do
            well to consider the underpinning influence of spiritual and religious values on
            contemporary educational technology use.
              Indeed, it can be argued that clear differences are evident between the educational
            philosophies and arrangements in Sinic, Japanese, Islamic, Buddhist and Hindu
            cultures (see Zhao et al. 2011). One set of comparisons that is often made is that
            between Eastern thought (i.e. deriving from holistic Asian philosophies) and Western
            thought (i.e. deriving from Greek philosophy). As Latchem and Jung (2010) detail,
            Western thought can be characterised along a number of lines – e.g. seeking
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