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THE  COLONIAL  IMPRINT                   17
     nated to the Kenya Legislative Council; the following year three
     were  appointed  in  U ganda;  and  in  1946,  two  in  Tanganyika.
     Progress was faster in West Africa. The first African member of
     the  Legislative  Council  in  the  Gold  Coast  was  nom inated  in
     1861.
       The power of the Legco varied in different countries accord­
     ing to the ratio between official, unofficial  (i.e. appointed), and
     elected  members.  W here  the  elected  members  were  out­
     numbered by the official and unofficial members,  the  assembly
     was  controlled,  in fact,  by  the  Governor.  But,  in  any  case,  the
     Legco could not cause the government to resign,  even if it out­
     voted  it  on  some  Bill.  The  Governor  had  certain  ‘reserved
     powers’ by which he could invalidate legislation; and he could,
     in time of extreme emergency, suspend the constitution and rule
     by  decree.  This  was  actually  done  not  long  ago  in  British
     Guiana.
       There  have,  of  course,  in  recent  decades  been  progressive
     revisions  of  the  constitutions  of  almost  all  United  Kingdom
     dependencies,  and  those  which  are  not  already  independent
    have advanced constitutions which place responsibility for their
    own affairs largely in the hands of the local people. The evolu­
     tion  towards  parliam entary  government  on  the  Westminster
     model  has  been  marked  by  an  obstinate  refusal  to  grant,  par­
     ticularly  in  areas  of white  settlement,  universal  adult  suffrage,
     the keystone, after all, of true democracy.
       In  spite  of the  moralizings  of British  colonialists  who  argue
    that political reform is granted as and when the colony is ready
    for it,  change  has,  in fact,  come  mostly  as  a  result  of pressure
    from below.  In the case of Ghana,  a vigorous campaign waged
     by  my  party,  its  slogan  ‘Self-Government  Now’,  was  needed
     before independence could be achieved. As I said in the National
    Assembly on  10 July  1953, when presenting the historic motion
    for independence:

        There  comes  a time  in the  history of colonial peoples  when
      they  must,  because  of their  will  to  throw  off the  hampering
      shackles  of colonialism,  boldly  assert their  God-given  right  to
      be free  of a foreign ruler.  . . .   If there  is  to  be  a criterion of a
      people’s preparedness for self-government, then I say it is their
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