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by the government to oil and gas companies, over half of which is tribal homelands to some
twenty-seven indigenous communities. In the 1980s, a Shell exploration led to contact with the
Nahua. In a relatively short-period of time, 50% of the Nahua died from disease. Now, up to
80% have perished, and of those surviving, 80% are estimated to be suffering from mercury
poisoning, the death-toll ever increasing due to suspected mercury pollution from the Camisea
gas project, initiated by the Shell exploration and now operated by Pluspetrol, Hunt Oil, and
Repsol. Camisea continues to expand, jeopardizing the survival of other tribes and tribal sacred
lands in Manu National Park, a UNESCO World Heritage site. According to studies released
by The World Bank, an estimated 200 tons of mercury are released into the environment
annually because of gold mining operations in Latin America. In the Brazilian Amazon, test
results indicate that 92% the Yanomami in Aracaçá have dangerous levels of mercury in their
bodies. Aracaçá is the closest community to the preponderance of mining operations in the
region, where some 5,000 illegal miners are estimated to be working.
The struggle of tribal nations in the Peruvian Amazon has been a quarter-century “Standing
Rock.” In Peru, the government has implemented laws to criminalize indigenous peoples’
protests against extractive industry. On October 11, 2016, 84 members of the US Congress
responded to protests against the Dakota Access Pipeline at Standing Rock and various K-XL
opposition events by writing to Trump Attorney General, Jefferson Sessions, to urge him to
initiate a Department of Justice (DOJ) review to conclude if, by their gathering and resistance,
indigenous people and environmental activists protesting pipelines “fall within the DOJ’s
understanding of domestic terrorism.” In Peru and Colombia, some tribal villages have secured
land title, but their rights are frequently violated in government-
© Marcos Wesley. supported energy exploration and development. In Brazil, tribes
have no communal land ownership rights. In 1992, a Presidential
Decree recognized Yanomami land rights, but in the ensuing
decades their lands have continued to be threatened by mining
companies and ranching interests that wield significant political
influence. Lobbied by that alliance, Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies
is considering a bill that would legalize without recourse or
Yanomami mother and child.