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minds in the country during the mid-Ming shift of initiative   things failing his own son in an examination. See his epitaph in Xu
          away from the throne and into the hands of ministers.   Hong 1505, 8/19.
          Scholar-official Ni Qian 倪謙 (1415–79) wrote that Wulun shu,   22  On Lü Yuan, see his epitaph in Li Xian c. 1470, 20/23, and in Xu
                                                               Hong 1505, 8/12; his 1462 death notice in MSL Yingzong shilu 346.5a
          Taizu’s Great Warning (Yuzhi da gao 御制大誥) and two    (6/11/庚申); and his biography in Liao Daonan 1545, 3/32. On
          collections compiled under the Yongle emperor urging   Yang Ding, see his death notice in MSL Xianzong shilu 267/3a–b
          secret good deeds and filiality all showed how the Ming   (21/6/甲午). On Qian Xili, see Wang Zhi c. 1465, 24/59. Peng Shi
          emperors, like the sage-kings, led through rites and   彭時 (1416–75) may also have worked on the collection, while at the
                                                               National University; see Li Xian c. 1470, 15/16.
                  69
          education.  But in fact Wulun shu is not like the others. Aside   23  DMB, 970. MSL Yingzong shilu 151.8b (12/3/己丑) (printing), 157.5a
          from the preface, Wulun shu is not written in the emperor’s   (12/8/乙亥) (storage). MS 8/98/2425-6 reports that the Xuande
          voice, and it targets not ordinary people, but the powerful, as   emperor made the book and the Zhengtong emperor prefaced and
          did Liu Yan’s next project, the Mirror for Rulers (Lidai junjian   printed it. See also Jang 2008, 122 n. 22, but the citation to the
                                                               Huidian should be to the Yingzong shilu.
          歷代君鑑). My brief introduction has overlooked the   24  MSL Yingzong shilu 170.7b (13/9/癸丑).
          contemporary relevance of the work as well as the Hanlin   25  Huang Zuo 1560–6, 13.10b; the catalogue is Qianqingtang shumu,
          Academy authors, who may have discussed their work on   Huang Yuji c. 1690, 11/41.
          Wulun shu somewhere at more length than I have found.  But   26  Memorial from the Ministry of Rites (Libu 禮部). Yu Ruji et al.
                                                     70
          I propose that this fascinating, beautiful, mid-15th century   1620, 94/26, and MSL Yingzong shilu 172.6a (13/11/庚子).
          court production may be best understood as a Hanlin work   27  Mengzi 34A.
                                                            28  Xia Liangsheng c. 1530, ch. 20.
          of history offering practical moral guidance to both rulers   29  They were bound variously: the Qing catalogue lists five versions
          and ministers in their joint responsibility to the country and   in 32, 60 or 62 fascicles, in four or six cases. Yu Minzhong 1775,
          the people.                                          9/11–12.
                                                            30  Oh 2013, 173.
                                                            31  Zhu Zhanji 1443, 59/7, story of Zheng Shutong 鄭叔通.
          Notes                                             32  Zhu Zhanji 1443, 59/6–7, from Songshi 宋史, 459/1. Husbandly
          I am grateful to Young Kyun Oh, Sixiang Wang, David   fidelity may have political overtones like wifely fidelity.
          Robinson, Julia Murray, Bruce Tindall and the conference   33  Zhu Zhanji 1443, 60/17.
          organisers.                                       34  Zhu Zhanji 1443, 60/26.
                                                            35  Ching 2013, 277.
                                                            36  That it is a royal family, exceptionally, which was portrayed as a
                                                               group may underline problems with the view that the imperial
          1  Clark 1988, 290–1; Ye Quanhong 1991, 134; MSL Xuanzong shilu   family was ‘the pattern and model of all families within the
            96.9b (7/10/辛未) and for tribute missions in the Xuande period   empire’. See Clunas 2013, 94. Ordinary wives could not be
            pp. 108.3a, 108.4a, 108.10a, 108.13b, 108.14a, 110.1b, 110.3b, 110.4b,   demoted to concubine, nor vice versa; imperial consorts could be
            113.13a, 115.4a–b.                                 shifted around. Ordinary sons inherited equally; there was only
          2  DMB, 970.                                         one throne.
          3  Clark 1988, 288.                               37  Zhu Zhanji 1443, 59/4.
          4  Huang Yuji c. 1690, 11.41.                     38  Zhu Zhanji 1443, 54/4. Ye Chunji 1570–4, 14/12–13 cites this case
          5  Oh 2013, 96 and personal communication 3 June 2014. For the   from Wulun shu.
            journey, see Wang Sixiang 2013.                 39  Ni Qian 1493, 25/16–17 notes this unevenness of categories.
          6  For example, Samgang has 26 stories of Yuan-era wives, Wulun shu   40  Zhu Zhanji 1443, Table of Contents 1–7.
            has 11. Six are the same; but the wording varies, and all of the   41  Zhu Zhanji 1443, 7/1–8.
            overlapping stories come from the official history of the Yuan   42  Zhu Zhanji 1443, Table of Contents 7–15.
            (Yuanshi 元史).                                   43  Zhu Zhanji 1443, 51/7.
          7  See Oh 2013, 105 for a brilliant interpretation of this arrangement.   44  MS 2/24/335.
          8  For discussion of these features, see Jang 2008, 125–8 and Oh 2013,   45  A mid-19th century primer includes the three terms together: ruler
            94 ff. My measurement is of the Harvard rare book copy; Jang   (jun 君), shown as originally having handlike elements on both
            reports on a smaller one that may be the Harvard microfilmed   sides of a box (kou 口), is explained as facing forwards, while both
            edition.                                           minister (chen 臣) and people (min 民) face right towards the
          9  Yu Minzhong 1775, 9/11–12.                        sovereign. ‘To recline’ (wo 臥) is explained as depicting both
          10  Deuchler 1992, 26–7, 115–17.                     ministers and ordinary folk kowtowing to the sovereign. Bai 2005,
          11  Oh 2013, 53.                                     131.
          12  Oh 2013, 61.                                  46  See MSL Yingzong shilu 179.13b (14/6/丙子), 206.7b (2/7/ 戊午),
          13  Oh 2013, 62.                                     209.3a (2/10/庚午); MSL Xiaozong shilu 132.7a (10/12/壬辰); MSL
          14  Deuchler 1992, ch. 1. Oh 2013, 75. This combines Oh’s explanation   Shizong shilu 205.3a (16/10/乙卯), 205.2a (16/10/癸丑). Other
            and my speculation.                                bestowals: MSL Yingzong shilu 212.8a (3/1丙辰) (an official’s wife);
          15  Oh 2013, 100.                                    MSL Yingzong shilu 216/11a (3/5/戊辰) (a new county school); MSL
          16  Oh 2013, 117.                                    Wuzong shilu 171/11a–b (14/2/辛卯) (replacement copy in
          17  Rather ungrateful, considering that Ban’s own younger brother   Confucius’s hometown); and MSL Shizong shilu 174/5b (14/4/ 己巳)
            rescued him from prison. See Zhu Zhanji 1443, 60/9. Ban Gu   and 180/6b (14/10/甲寅).
            writes: ‘What is it I call the Three Bonds? Ruler–minister,   47  On Ke Qian, see epitaph by Wang Yu王 (1422–95, js. 1451), in Xu
            father–son, husband–wife.’ See Ban Gu c. 80, 7/1.  Hong 1505, 13/11, who like Huang Zuo 1560–6 (16/16) adduces the
          18  King Sejo (r. 1455–68) ordered his ministers to compile a Record of   gift to prove how good ruler–minister relations were then. On Wei
            the Five Relationships. See Sejo sillok 36.23b (1465/7/25#2). In 1518, a   Qi, see Mao Qiling c. 1690, 73/4. On Li Kui, see Xie Min and Tao
            group of scholars supplemented Samgang with an Illustrated Guide to   Cheng 1731, 40/32.
            Two Relationships. See Oh 2013, 227; Zhu Zhanji 1443, preface and   48  Xu Hong 1505, 17/8. DMB, 1039–40.
            62/14.                                          49  Zhu Zaiyu c. 1600, 1/1.
          19  Yang Shiqi wrote a poem about Wulun shu; see Yang Shiqi c. 1445,   50  Li Dongyang 1516, 38/21. See He 2013, 113–14.
            58/26.                                          51  Xia Liangsheng c. 1530, 12/77.
          20  DMB, 293; Brook 1996, 106; Brook 1998, 652, 654.   52  Kuang Yuche and Ren Chongyue 1984, 51.
          21  DMB, 970. Liu Yan eventually got in trouble for among other   53  Jang 2008, 169. Historian Chen Jian noted this use of Wulun shu



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