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The inscription on the reverse identifies the figure as the 佛教早於漢代傳入,作為釋迦牟尼的得道尊者,十六
Arhat Vanavasa, image no. 3, and contains the cyclical date 羅漢也廣為尊崇,至唐末五代期間演變出十八羅漢之
wuyin, probably equivalent to 1758. This is followed by a 説。乾隆皇帝篤信佛教,對羅漢數目差異也素有鑚
poem describing the scene. The base is inscribed with the
reign mark and the characters yin of the cyclical date and 研。較傾向支持十六羅漢説法。乾隆二十一年(1756
san (three) are repeated on the base. 年),他命丁觀鵬以唐代《宣和畫譜》中張玄描述的
As noted by Jessica Rawson in Chinese Jade. From the 「世態之相」(即一般世間高僧樣相)風格繪製〈十
Neolithic to the Qing, London, 1995, pp. 409-411, a number 六應真像〉,並在徴詢章嘉國師意見後,以《欽定同
of similar jade carvings, each featuring a luohan, or arhat, 文韻統》自創便利漢、滿、藏,三種語言更準確誦習
positioned within a slightly bizarre rock formation, are known, 梵文經咒的「阿哩噶哩字」為各羅漢重新排序和定
among them an example in the Art Institute of Chicago and 名。翌二十二年春(1757年),乾隆第二次南巡,於
the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Rawson attributes
the vogue for this particular subject to the propagation of 杭州下榻於行宮聖因寺得覧唐末貫休之〈十六羅漢
woodblock prints in catalogues such as the 18th century Guyu 像〉,乾隆帝有感其五官誇張奇特的相貌,正好印証
tupu [Illustrated catalogue of ancient jades], or the highly 了他一直在文字著錄上對貫休所繪羅漢像的「胡貌梵
prized rubbings of engravings of the sixteen luohan taken from 相」的印象。由此乾隆亦認定這畫是已留傳近千年的
carvings in the Shengyin Temple which were based on a set 唐末作品而加倍珍重,遂於返京前命運往宮中令丁觀
of paintings by Ding Guanpeng (1708-71) which themselves
were originally based on paintings by Guanxiu (852-912), ibid., 鵬摹寫,並親題贊文。陳階晉於〈乾隆南巡與《貫休
pp. 410-411, figs 1 and 2. 十六羅漢像》的傳衍〉一文中,認為依據聖因寺貫休
十六羅漢像摹寫的十六羅漢形象,正是往後乾隆年間
多樣不同素材的羅漢頌讚産物的原點,如不同的玉及
青金石羅漢山子,杭州孔廟及北京北海公園妙相亭的
佛塔,和十六應真墨等等,詳見《故宮文物月刊》
,台北,2017年,卷409,頁50-67。另可參考羅森,
《Chinese Jade. From the Neolithic to the Qing》,倫
敦,1995年,頁409-411。類例見芝加哥藝術學院或紐
約大都會藝術博物館藏例,同上註,圖1-2。
玉匠妙雕第三拔納拔西尊者,石壁陡峭嶙峋、古樹
瘤節斑駁,背面陰刻乾隆御製贊文,紀年戊寅(1758
年)。羅漢尊者身裹長袍,靠石盤坐,雙手交疊,神
態自若。其面相亦附合唐末貫休繪畫十六羅漢像的「
龐眉大目」及「朵頤隆鼻」的「胡貌梵相」。
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