Page 20 - EVOLUTION OF THE SUDAN PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT(SPLM),

one, inflexible goal of promoting harmony, discipline and devotion, governments on the other
hand have multiple goals, interests and priorities. Just like the first generation anti-colonial
nationalists, the first challenge of concern to national liberation movements was getting rid of

poverty, ignorance and disease. Fanon was concerned about the trappings of power and dangers
the new nationalists could experience and even betray the very reasons why they were waging
armed struggle against imperial rule soon after capturing state power.

In addition, the first generation nationalists who waged anti-imperialist wars sought to reduce

wealth imbalances in society through redistribution of wealth or policies that are in favor of the
historically oppressed (Clapham, 2012). At the critical juncture, national liberation movements
have to make a choice of either siding with oppressive capitalist world order or make fundamental
reforms or policies that radically break away with the past.

Melber (2003) observes that the tendency has been to betray the national liberation struggle.
During the national liberation struggle, promises of fundamental reforms of the state, economy
and society were made but upon capturing state power, betrayal of liberation ideals is evident. In
other words, in the name of the people, the struggle against colonial oppressive rule is won but

thereafter, the new regime tends to reflect the old one. Poor policy choices failed to address the
fundamental core behind the formation of armed liberation movements in Africa with the result
that poverty increased in tandem with internal dissent (Melber,2003).

According to Cabral, the national liberation struggle addresses two fold levels: the political level

and the social level, where the hard questions on the struggle are raised and addressed. In the
words of Kwame Nkrumah, “you first seek the political kingdom and the rest are added unto you.”
In the settler colonies, the land question, national identity, economic policy and democratization

of both the state and popularized the political leadership into factions labeled moderates or
radicals depending on one’s policy options and preferences. Other policy debates revolve along
the role, size and strength of the state in the post liberation dispensation (Mukandabantu 1983).

Limited studies dealing with the civil wars, including their causes, dynamics and actors, peace building

initiatives, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), and the post-referendum issues have been conducted
so far. Thus, it is of great importance to critically review some of the existing works so as to expound their
implication to the theme of this study. This section examines the protracted conflicts that have taken place
for almost half a century between the central government of Sudan and the peripheral peoples of the south.

The causes of the Sudanese civil wars that have occurred between north and south would be enunciated in
this section. In addition, the post-CPA political developments are described and analyzed. Furthermore, the
concept of civil war will be accentuated. Lastly, the basic concepts of civil war and theoretical perspectives
that best describe civil war, in general, and that of South Sudan conflict, in particular, will be appraised and

employed as a framework of analysis.

Pierre Englebert offers answers as to why stability was so prized throughout Africa in the 20th century.
Writing in 2009, he sees rigidity in the borders of African states.In addition, many states, with the exception
of Sudan and a few others have lacked any type of separatist movement within their borders. He examines

why Africa’s leaders refrain from any type of reorganization of these colonial borders. Englebert claims that
“even when their financial resources dry up, states can still generate allegiance because their institutions
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