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              96                 THE PRACTICE OF INNOVATION

              eighteen- and nineteen-year-olds who stay in school beyond second-
              ary education will increase sufficiently to offset the decline in the
              total number. But with the increase in the number of people in their
              mid-thirties and forties who have received a college degree earlier,
              there are going to be large numbers of highly schooled people who
              want advanced professional training and retraining, whether as doc-
              tors, lawyers, architects, engineers, executives, or teachers. What do
              these people look for? What do they need? How can they pay? What
              does the traditional university have to do to attract and satisfy such
              very different students? And, finally, what are the wants, needs, val-
              ues of the elderly? Is there indeed any one “older group,” or are there
              rather several, each with different expectations, needs, values, satis-
              factions?
                 Particularly important in age distribution—and with the highest
              predictive value—are changes in the center of population gravity, that
              is,  in  the  age  group  which  at  any  given  time  constitutes  both  the
              largest and the fastest-growing age cohort in the population.
                 At the end of the Eisenhower presidency, in the late fifties, the
              center of population gravity in the United States was at its highest
              point in history. But a violent shift within a few years was bound to
              take place. As a result of the “baby boom,” the center of American
              population gravity was going to drop so sharply by 1965 as to bring
              it to the lowest point since the early days of the Republic, to around
              sixteen  or  seventeen.  It  was  predictable—and  indeed  predicted  by
              anyone who took demographics seriously and looked at the figures—
              that there would be a drastic change in mood and values. The “youth
              rebellion” of the sixties was mainly a shift of the spotlight to what has
              always been typical adolescent behavior. In earlier days, with the cen-
              ter  of  population  gravity  in  the  late  twenties  or  early  thirties,  age
              groups  that  are  notoriously  ultra-conservative,  adolescent  behavior
              was dismissed as “Boys will be boys” (and “Girls will be girls”). In
              the sixties it suddenly became the representative behavior.
                 But when everybody was talking of a “permanent shift in values” or
              of a “greening of America,” the age pendulum had already swung back,
              and violently so. By 1969, the first effects of the “baby bust” were
              already discernible, and not only in the statistics. 1974 or 1975 would
              be the last year in which the sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds would
              constitute the center of population gravity. After that, the center would
              rapidly move up: by the early 1980s it would be in the high twenties
              again. And  with  this  shift  would  come  a  change  in  what  would  be
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