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                                    Source: Demographics                 97

              considered  “representative”  behavior.  The  teenagers  would,  of
              course, continue to behave like teenagers. But that would again be
              dismissed as the way teenagers behave rather than as the constitutive
              values and behavior of society. And so one could predict with near-
              certainty, for instance (and some of us did predict it), that by the mid-
              seventies  the  college  campuses  would  cease  to  be  “activist”  and
              “rebellious,”  and  college  students  would  again  be  concerned  with
              grades  and  jobs;  but  also  that  the  overwhelming  majority  of  the
              “dropouts” of 1968 would, ten years later, have become the “upward-
              mobile professionals” concerned with careers, advancement, tax shel-
              ters, and stock options.
                 Segmentation by educational attainment may be equally impor-
              tant; indeed, for some purposes, it may be more important (e.g., sell-
              ing encyclopedias, continuing professional education, but also vaca-
              tion travel). Then there is labor force participation and occupational
              segmentation. Finally there is income distribution, and especially dis-
              tribution of disposable and discretionary income. What happens, for
              instance, to the propensity to save in the two-earner family?
                 Actually, most of the answers are available. They are the stuff of
              market research. All that is needed is the willingness to ask the ques-
              tions.
                 But more than poring over statistics is involved. To be sure, statis-
              tics are the starting point. They were what got Melville to ask what
              opportunities the jump in teenagers offered a fashion retailer, or what
              got  the  top  management  at  Sears,  Roebuck  to  look  upon  Latin
              America as a potential market. But then the managements of these
              companies—or the administrators of metropolitan big-city universi-
              ties such as Pace in New York and Golden Gate in San Francisco—
              went out into the field to look and listen.
                 This  is  literally  how  Sears,  Roebuck  decided  to  go  into  Latin
              America. Sears’s chairman, Robert E. Wood, read in the early 1950s
              that Mexico City and São Paulo were expected to outgrow all U.S.
              cities by the year 1975. This so intrigued him that he went himself to
              look at the major cities in Latin America. He spent a week in each of
              them—Mexico City, Guadalajara, Bogota, Lima, Santiago, Rio, São
              Paulo—walking around, looking at stores (he was appalled by what
              he saw), and studying traffic patterns. Then he knew what customers
              to aim at, what kind of stores to build, where to put the stores, and
              what merchandise to stock them with.
                 Similarly, the founders of Club Mediterranée looked at the custom-
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