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investigation into the alleged misuse of bank funds and assertions that he had acted
               unethically to secure large personal loans.)
               Perhaps no recent president has come under more fire for cronyism than George W. Bush.
               The most serious criticism has concerned appointments linked to the most significant
               challenges of his presidency: Hurricane Katrina and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

               Katrina, which ravaged the Gulf Coast and inundated New Orleans in August 2005, was
               the most destructive hurricane ever to strike the United States. The federal rescue and
               relief effort that followed was widely regarded as inept, and the Federal Emergency
               Management Agency (FEMA) was singled out for blame.8 Many critics of the administration
               charge that 2001–03 FEMA director Joe Allbaugh, who had been Bush’s 2000
               presidential campaign manager, was given his job as an act of patronage and was not
               qualified for the position. The same accusation was directed at Allbaugh’s close friend and
               successor, Michael Brown, who had no background in emergency management and who
               was discovered to have padded his resume.9 Brown appeared uninformed during media
               interviews after Katrina struck, and did not help matters by sending several e-mails in the
               immediate aftermath of the hurricane in which he complained that he wanted to go home
               and seemed excessively concerned with finding a dog-sitter.10 He resigned two weeks
               after the storm made landfall.
               Following the Katrina debacle, a Time magazine probe into cronyism in the Bush
               administration focused on three high-level administrators who might have owed their
               appointments to political connections rather than merit, and whose decisions may have
               compromised the competence and independence of the agencies they helped run.11 One
               was Scott Gottlieb, a 33-year old doctor turned stock-picker who was viewed by many as a
               friend of the pharmaceuticals industry. Bush had appointed him as deputy commissioner
               for medical and scientific affairs at the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), a position
               typically reserved for career scientists.12 The magazine questioned Gottlieb’s efforts to
               second-guess two decisions by career scientists at the FDA: their withholding of approval
               for a drug that was expected to yield $1 billion a year for the drugmaker Pfizer, and their
               move to halt clinical trials of another drug after some of the subjects experienced
               complications, from which one patient died. Time also highlighted former lobbyist David
               Safavian, who was put in charge of government contracts and procurements despite
               having virtually no relevant experience. He was indicted in connection with the Abramoff
               scandal in October 2005, and was sentenced to 18 months in prison a year later.
               The third administrator noted by Time was Julie Myers, whose inexperience and
               background as Bush’s personal assistant made Senate approval of her appointment as the
               top immigration official at the Department of Homeland of Security highly unlikely. In
               2005, Republican Senator George Voinovich of Ohio went so far as to say, “I’d really like
               to have [Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff] spend some time with us, telling us
               personally why he thinks you’re qualified for the job, because based on the resume, I don’t
               think you are.”13 Unable to get Myers’s nomination through the Senate, Bush sidestepped
               the process by installing her during a congressional recess in January 2006.
               Some accusations of cronyism have centered not on patronage hires, but on the awarding
               of no-bid contracts. Generally, federal agencies are required to award contracts based on
               open and competitive bidding. But a month into the Hurricane Katrina recovery effort,
               the New York Times reported that FEMA had awarded more than 80 percent of the $1.5
               billion in new contracts without competitive bidding.14 Many of the contractors were said


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