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Chapter Three







                                  Suharto’s Fall







                      Because we are silenced
                    and you never shut up . . .
                      Because we are threatened
                    and you impose your will by force . . .
                    therefore we say NO to you.
                      Because we are not allowed to choose
                    and you can do what you like . . .
                      Because we wear only sandals
                    and you use your rifles freely . . .

                      Because we have to be polite
                    and you have the prisons . . .
                    therefore NO and NO to you.
                      Because we are like a fl owing river
                    and you are a stone without a heart
                    the water will wear away the stone.
                      —W. S. Rendra, “Water Will Wear Away the Stone,”
                         delivered at Trisakti University, in response to
                         the shooting of four students on May 12, 1998

                   With the ban of newsweeklies  Tempo ,  Editor , and  Dë TIK  in June 1994, Indonesia’s
              brief political opening came to an abrupt close, and constraints on civil society tight-
              ened. The country had begun to change, but there was little evidence in the public
              sphere. Throughout his reign, President Suharto’s legitimacy had rested on providing
              order, stability, and economic development. As long as he appeared to deliver on these
              grounds, opposition forces had difficulty questioning his authority. But in 1997, the
              Asian economic crisis hit Indonesia with devastating force, undermining his regime’s
              claim to all three accomplishments and creating an opportunity for a student-led
              reform movement to challenge his continued rule.
                   This chapter tells the story of this challenge and Suharto’s subsequent fall from
              power. But it also looks critically at the complex and often contradictory nature of the
              media’s relationship to the student movement. Complicating its reciprocal nature was
              a division between mainstream outlets, which remained cautious to the end, relying
              upon the sacrifices of student demonstrators to win them greater freedom of expres-
              sion, and more critical publications forced underground by the bans, such as  Tempo ,
              whose martyrdom and continued resistance set a standard for students as well as fel-
              low journalists. This dissident movement, led by media activists, further influenced
              students via collaboration with nongovernmental organizations that themselves
              recruited from campuses.   By branching out into new terrain, such as poll watching,
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