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214                THE  E N CYC LOPEDIA  O F  TA O ISM   A- L

            of inner alchemy (*neidan), and the *zhai and *jiao rituals joined with Chan
            Buddhist influence to give rise to a very influential model of self-cultivation
            that shaped the new forms of popular religiosity seen in the sects of the late
            Ming, such as the Huangtian dao ~ 7C j]! (Way of Yellow Heaven) and Hong-
            yang jiao f.rr ~ t5I:  (Teaching of Red Yang) sects to mention just two among
            many.

            Styles and their classification. Various classification schemes have been used to
            try to understand the history of shifts in the style and content of baojuan. In
            general, they are divided into two types associated with two stages: first, early
            Buddhist and sectarian baojuan dating from the fifteenth to early eighteenth
            century; and later baojuan, dating from the mid-eighteenth century to the
            present, which were more secular, moralistic, literary and entertaining. The
            more soteriological vision of the early baojuan included relatively orthodox
            Buddhist figures like Guanyin, Mulian  §  Jl, and Xuanzang E"~ ,  as well as
            so-called heterodox sectarian teachings concerning the Unborn Venerable
            Mother (Wusheng Laomu 1/lIi1:~-Bt).  Later baojuan narratives, however, drew
            more heavily on figures from popular culture, such as the Confucian paragon
            of incorruptible officialdom, Sir Bao (Baogong §0, i.e.,  Bao Zheng §:j71,
            999- 1062; SB  823- 32), or the heavily Taoicized Stove God (*Zaoshen), or the
            renowned Seven Perfected (qizhen -t;Jt see table 17) of *Quanzhen. While
            many early baojuan follow rather distinctive formulas for beginning and ending
            the narrative and frequently used the term baojuan in their titles, this is less
            true of later examples, which took on more features associated with morality
            books (*shanshu) and spirit-writing texts (see *fuji).
              One important reason for this general shift in the style of baojuan was in-
            creased government repression of sectarian activity and confiscation of their
            scriptures, especially in the Qing dynasty. The collection of confiscated sectarian
            scriptures cited by Huang Yupian ~ If ~ (fl. 1830- 40) in his careful refutations
            of their teachings (Poxie xiangbian WSl7.f~ 1if: m; r834, with three further studies
            by 1841) makes clear that the millenarian revelations and unorthodox deities
            of sectarian baojuan were prime examples of the type of teachings considered
            dangerous by the government, though Huang also attacks one baojuan's Taoist
            interpretation of the self in alchemical terms. It is not surprising, given both
            the popularity of the genre and its official proscription, that eighteenth- and
            nineteenth-century publishers in southern China began printing baojuan with
            safer themes- although the private production and circulation of religious
            baojuan never really ceased. Today it is estimated that more than seven to eight
            hundred different editions of baojuan survive, of which two-thirds focus  on
            general moral exhortation while one-third reflect more particularistic sectar-
            ian doctrines.

                                                                Catherine BELL
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