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they turned to replace the 2002 farm bill. Increases in commodity prices in 2006 – as the demand
               for biofuels started to ramp up – and rising price projections in the following years, forced CBO
               to lower the baseline available to the Ag committees for the 2008 farm bill.

               But Democrats took control of both the House and Senate in 2007 for the first time in 12 years
               and were looking to solidify their gains in rural House districts and farm states. One way to do
               that was to spend more money on farmers and rural
               development.

               House Agriculture Chairman Collin Peterson, D-Minn.;
               Senate Budget Chairman Kent Conrad, D-N.D.; and Senate
               Finance Chairman Max Baucus, D-Mont., worked together
               to find additional money. The fiscal 2008 budget resolution,
               passed in 2007, earmarked a $20 billion reserve fund that
               authorized committees to find spending and revenue offsets
               for the farm bill.

               Ultimately, the 2008 farm bill provided $10 billion in
               additional spending over the projected baseline. The extra
               funding came from customs user fees, a change in estimated
               corporate tax payments and other provisions.
               The 2014 farm bill: Direct payments pave the way. By
               2011, as lawmakers turned to replacing the 2008 farm bill,
               the budget situation was very different. In the wake of the
               Tea Party rebellion, Republicans won control of the House in 2011 and forced President Obama
               to cut a deal on a landmark bill, the Budget Control Act, to rein in spending and cut the deficit.

               The agreement created a “super-committee” to recommend a grand plan for reducing spending.
               If the super-committee couldn’t reach a deal, which it didn’t, the law called for 10 years of
               automatic spending cuts, known as sequestration.

               Despite the super-committee’s failure, the leaders of the House and Senate Agriculture
               committees agreed on a plan to make $23 billion in farm bill cuts that were the super-
               committee’s target. Under the lawmakers’ plan, $15 billion would come out of commodity
               programs with the rest split between conservation programs and the Supplemental Nutrition
               Assistance Program.

               The key to minimizing the impact of the cuts on commodity and conservation programs was that
               lawmakers had two big pots of money to work with: the roughly $5 billion in annual direct
               payments that the government had been providing to grain, oilseed and cotton growers
               since 1996, and the Conservation Reserve Program (CRP).

               For some farmers, the direct payments had become an embarrassment when commodity prices
               skyrocketed, so eliminating them was politically advantageous. More importantly, it created a
               pot of money that could be used to create new, countercyclical programs that would be based on
               fluctuations in commodity prices or farm revenue.



                                                     www.Agri-Pulse.com                                                                    41
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