Page 41 - SoMJ Vol 74 - No 1, 2021
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Malawi’s Muslims In The Era Of Multi-Party Democracy     31

          general public that they should seek advice from qualified Muslims before making
          pronouncements. It appealed to all in society to think of themselves as Malawians
          first and then as members of their faith communities, and to Muslims at all times
          to exercise restraint, endurance and self-control.
                 The second concerns the 1999 election campaign. Despite the plea in the
          fatwa of the previous year, the election campaign  politicised Islam once more
          when opponents claimed that the President had used foreign money to further an
          Islamist agenda. What was different from 1994 was that, in the aftermath of the
          President’s re-election, there was in the Northern Region a series of attacks on
          mosques and people from the Southern Region. Though this hostility was mainly
          directed at the UDF it was Muslims who, fairly indiscriminately, bore the brunt
          of it. The Muslim leadership successfully dampened down any danger of a violent
          reaction. However, the fact that the violence had taken place, what they saw as a
          lack of urgency in the response of the police and the lukewarm condemnation of
          the  attacks  from  the  majority  of  Malawi’s  Christian  church  leaders  added  to
          Muslims’ perception of the hostility of other elements in society, and of their own
          lack of security.
                 A third incident came from an attempt by the Government Department
          of Education in 2000 to replace, at secondary school level, the study of Bible
          Knowledge with that of Religious and Moral Studies, which included teaching
          about Malawi’s three major religious traditions, Christianity, Islam and African
          Traditional  Religion.  The  process  which  led  to  this  change  had  started  in  the
          Banda era and the proposed syllabus, having been developed by educationists
          from a variety of religious backgrounds, had gone through the regular channels.
          However, as the President and the Minister of Education were both Muslims at
          the time it was implemented, despite similar changes having been made at primary
          level, without opposition, in President Banda’s time, this move was construed by
          sections of the Christian churches as part of a plan to Islamise Malawi. They
          managed to make the issue so controversial and lobbied so hard that the President
          felt pressured into suspending the implementation of the new syllabus.
                 Muslims, on the other hand had generally welcomed the change as at last
          giving their religion its rightful place within the secondary school system. When
          the new syllabus was suspended, some groups were only dissuaded from taking
          to the streets in protest by a combination of firm police action and the restraining
          influence  of  the  Muslims’  national  leadership.  Though  a  compromise  was
          arranged whereby schools could choose which syllabus to teach, this incident once
          more confirmed the belief of many Muslims that what they saw as the Christian
          establishment  would  lose  no  opportunity  to  use  their  influence  to  keep  them
          marginalised.
                 The fourth incident had a global dimension. In April 2000, as part of the
          United  States  of  America’s  so  called  ‘War  or  Terror’,  five  Muslim  foreign
          nationals residing in the city of Blantyre were arrested at the behest of the United
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