Page 106 - The Social Animal
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88 The Social Animal


           instructions about how, when, and where to take action are much
           more effective than recommendations not including such instruc-
           tions. For example, a campaign conducted on a college campus urg-
           ing students to take tetanus shots included specific instructions
           about where and when they were available. The campaign materials
           included a map showing the location of the student health service
           and a suggestion that each student set aside a convenient time to
           stop by. The results showed high-fear appeals to be more effective
           than low-fear appeals in producing favorable  attitudes toward
           tetanus shots among the students, and they also increased the stu-
           dents’ stated intentions to take the shots. The highly specific in-
           structions about how to get the shots did not in any way affect these
           opinions and intentions, but the instructions did have a big effect
           on the actual behavior: Of those participants who were instructed
           about how to proceed, 28 percent actually got the tetanus shots; but
           of those who received no specific instructions, only 3 percent got
           them. In a control group exposed only to the action instructions—
           no fear-arousing message—none of the participants got the shots.
           Thus, specific instructions alone are not enough to produce action.
           Fear is a necessary component for action in such situations.
               Similar results were uncovered in Leventhal’s cigarette experi-
           ment. Leventhal found that a high-fear communication produced a
           much greater intention to stop smoking. Unless it was accompanied
           by recommendations for specific behavior, however, it produced lit-
           tle behavior change. Similarly, specific instructions (“buy a magazine
           instead of a pack of cigarettes,” “drink plenty of water when you have
           the urge to smoke,” and so on) without a fear-arousing communica-
           tion were relatively ineffective. The combination of fear arousal and
           specific instructions produced the best results; the students in this
           condition were smoking less 4 months after they were subjected to
           the experimental procedure.
               So, in some situations, fear-arousing appeals accompanied by
           specific instructions for appropriate action can and do produce rec-
           ommended behaviors. But as Leventhal and his colleagues have in-
           dicated, the impact of fear appeals is context-specific.There are some
           situations in which fear appeals—even when coupled with specific
           instructions—will not produce the desired effect. Let’s consider the
           most serious public health challenge in recent history: acquired im-
           mune deficiency syndrome (AIDS). AIDS has been described by the
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