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Learning Personality, Morality, and Emotions  75

              in balancing these conflicting demands of the id and the superego. In the maladjusted
              individual, the ego fails to control the conflict between the id and the superego. Either
              the id or the superego dominates this person, leading to internal confusion and prob-
              lem behaviors.
              Sociological Evaluation.  Sociologists appreciate Freud’s emphasis on socialization—
              his assertion that the social group into which we are born transmits norms and values
              that restrain our biological drives. Sociologists, however, object to the view that inborn
              and subconscious motivations are the primary reasons for human behavior. This denies
              the central principle of sociology: that factors such as social class (income, education, and
              occupation) and people’s roles in groups underlie their behavior (Epstein 1988; Bush
              and Simmons 1990).
                 Feminist sociologists have been especially critical of Freud. Although what I just sum-
              marized applies to both females and males, Freud assumed that “male” is “normal.” He
              even referred to females as inferior, castrated males (Chodorow 1990; Gerhard 2000). It
              is obvious that sociologists need to continue to research how we develop personality.

              Kohlberg and the Development of Morality
              If you have observed young children, you know that they want immediate gratification
              and show little or no concern for others. (“Mine!” a 2-year-old will shout, as she grabs a
              toy from another child.) Yet, at a later age, this same child will be considerate of others
              and try to be fair in her play. How does this change happen?

              Kohlberg’s Theory.  Psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg (1975, 1984, 1986; Reed
              2008) concluded that we go through a sequence of stages as we develop morality. Build-
              ing on Piaget’s work, he found that children start in the amoral stage I just described.
              For them, there is no right or wrong, just personal needs to be satisfied. From about
              ages 7 to 10, children are in what Kohlberg called a preconventional stage. They have
              learned rules, and they follow them to stay out of trouble. They view right and wrong
              as what pleases or displeases their parents, friends, and teachers. Their concern is to get
              rewards and to avoid punishment. At about age 10, they enter the conventional stage.
              During this period, morality means following the norms and values they have learned.
              This is followed by a postconventional stage in which individuals reflect on abstract prin-
              ciples of right and wrong and judge people’s behavior according to these principles.
              Criticisms of Kohlberg.  Carol Gilligan, another psychologist, was one of the first to
              criticize Kohlberg. She noticed that Kohlberg had studied only boys. When she inter-
              viewed men and women, she concluded that women are more likely to evaluate morality
              in terms of personal relationships—how an act affects others and the harm it might bring
              to loved ones. Other researchers followed up, finding that both men and women use
              personal relationships and abstract principles when they make moral judgments (Wark
              and Krebs 1996).
                 To test Kohlberg’s theory, researchers checked how it applies in different cultures.
              They found that the preconventional and conventional stages apply around the world.
              Most societies, though, do not have the postconventional stage of universal reasoning.
              This stage appears to be mostly a Western concept (Jensen 2009). Apparently, there is
              no universal, abstract way of figuring what is moral. Instead, different cultures have their
              own ways to determine morality, and each teaches its members to use its norms in decid-
              ing what is moral.
              Research with Babies.  Researchers have developed ingenious experiments to see if
              babies have a morality (Bloom 2010; Hamlin and Wynn 2011). In one experiment, they
              showed babies a puppet that helps another puppet and one that interferes with that pup-
              pet. They found that babies—even under 1 year of age—prefer the “good” puppet and
              want the “bad” puppet punished. From these experiments, some draw the intriguing
              conclusion that we are born with a basic morality and a desire to punish those who break
              our moral codes. Others suggest that the experiments are flawed (Scarf et al. 2012).
              More research should eventually settle the question.
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