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CHAPTER TWO:
                                                  THE INTEGRATION MYTH



               In 1921, the same year that the Polish province of Volhynia was officially created, the famed

               American geographer Isaiah Bowman stated in his book The New World that the government of

               Poland had to do nothing less than “weld together three unlike sections,” which had previously been


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               part of the German, Austro-Hungarian, and Russian empires.  Now, unmoored from their former
               imperial centers, whether in Berlin, Vienna, or Saint Petersburg, the lands of Poland needed to be

               brought together around a center in the new state capital, Warsaw. It appeared to be an almost


               insurmountable challenge. In the early 1920s, Poles and non-Poles alike commented on the extent to

               which different areas of the new state bore the marks of the three partitioning powers. In their

               institutions, trade networks, currencies, languages, education systems, and preponderance of national

               minorities (among other things), these places seemed more different than alike. And yet while


               historians of interwar Poland have since used Bowman’s framework of state integration as their own,

               and although objective differences between the previously partitioned areas were real, we should

               think twice about replicating a narrative that casts “the state” as a monolithic and central actor that

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               “integrated” its various peripheries.  Indeed, during the early-to-mid-1920s, questions about who

               actually constituted the state—and where the center was located—informed critical public debates

               across Poland. Instead, we might ask a different question: How did Poles of various political stripes


               utilize narratives of incorporation, particularly in borderland regions like Volhynia, in order to

               highlight their own importance for the emerging state project?

                       In order to explore the answers to this question, the specificities of the Volhynian case must

               be placed within the broader European framework. Across the continent, the language of state




               1  Isaiah Bowman, The New World: Problems in Political Geography (Yonkers-on-Hudson, N.Y., 1921), 351.
               2  Davies, God’s Playground: Volume II, 401-402. Most general surveys of the interwar period begin with an
               assessment of the significant differences between the formerly partitioned lands that made up the Polish state. See,
               for example, Polonsky, Politics in Independent Poland, 1-44.


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