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               the fatherland, [and] complete moral neglect and physical infirmity.”  They finished their note by
               asking the government for money and resources in order to correct the heinous situation that they had


               laid out. Scouting leaders were not alone in making a case for the importance of Western influences

               at the expense of foreign remnants. Poles also marked out the Orthodox Christian Church as a foreign

               influence that continued to taint the dynamics of local life by resisting Volhynia’s return into the


               Western civilized world. Members of the local Roman Catholic hierarchy were certainly quick to

                                                                                                41
               repossess—and, in their eyes, “return”—church buildings to the Catholic denomination.
                       If these groups worked hard to label Jews and the Orthodox Church as foreign influences,


               others engaged in ongoing intra-Polish battles over what foreignness meant within a post-imperial

               context—and whether or not local Poles could themselves be conceived as foreigners. As had been

               the case during the occupation of 1919 and 1920, some Polish-speaking populations accused their

               compatriots in Volhynia—most notably, landowners and a large part of the Polish intelligentsia who


               had been educated as lawyers or doctors in the imperial cities of Kiev and Moscow—of being too

               closely associated with the power structures of the Russian empire. These apparent imperial

               remnants, however, attempted to resist accusations of disloyalty to the Polish national cause, arguing


               instead that the successful integration of the borderland into the new political center further west

               itself necessitated a degree of administrative and linguistic continuity with the empire. In the local

               National Democratic weekly Volhynia Life, a reprint of an article that had been previously published


               in the Warsaw Courier drew on a paternalistic idea that peasants had got to know their social

               superiors and would be more receptive to continuity than change. The “simple Volhynian peasants,”

               the article’s author wrote, needed to be governed by the type of person “to whom they had become





               40  Ibid., AAN ZHP 689.
               41  Between 1918 and 1924, the Roman Catholic Church repossessed between 280 and 315 Orthodox churches across
               the eastern borderlands, which they claimed had previously been Roman Catholic or Uniate. See Maciej Mróz,
               Katolicyzm na pograniczu: Kościół Katolicki wobec kwestii ukraińskiej i białoruskiej w Polsce w latach 1918-1925
               (Toruń, 2003), 212.


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