Page 26 - Arabia the Gulf and the West
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The Abandonment of Aden                              13


        therefore, would be to devise a formula that would satisfy this requirement and
        at the same time provide Aden with both a further measure of self-government
        and a concrete link with the federation.
           The imminent possibility of such a link, however, provoked a split in the
        leadership of the Aden Association and among its representatives in the
        legislature. While some members approved of the colony’s merger in the
        federation, others were against it, preferring independence for Aden and a
        relationship with the Federation of South Arabia (as it was henceforth to be
        called) similar to that of Singapore with the Malayan Federation. It was not an
        arrangement that appealed to the federal rulers, who foresaw an independent
        Aden falling rapidly under the domination of the Yemeni ‘street’, which was
        bound subsequently to seek some kind of union with the Yemen, thereby
        outflanking the federation. At a constitutional conference held in London in
        the summer of 1961 their objections carried the day, and it was resolved that
        full self-government for Aden would be conditional upon its entering the
        federation.
           A predictable outcry arose from the leaders of the Aden TUC who protested
         that the merger would subordinate the progressive, dynamic, modern and
        enlightened inhabitants of Aden to the arbitrary and archaic rule of the
         backward shaikhs and sultans of the protectorate. Before any merger took
        place, they declared, the wishes of the Adenis must be consulted, and this
        could only be done by holding free elections in which all Aden’s residents, the
         70,000-80,000 Yemenis included, would be entitled to vote. It was an argu­
         ment destined to awaken an instinctive, sympathetic response in progressive
         political circles in Britain. The cry for Aden’s separate development towards
        independence was echoed by British liberals and socialists with a fervour and
        vigour which must have astonished as much as it delighted the Adeni national­
         ists. For their goal was not and never had been an independent Aden. Abdullah
         al-Asnaj, the secretary-general of the Aden TUC, had himself publicly avowed
         in February and again in April i960 that what they wanted was ‘one nation, one
         Yemen and one struggle only. No North, no South, but one Yemen. No
         Legislative Council. No Federation .. . There is only one Yemen, the occupied
         part of which must be liberated.’ The Aden TUC had pledged itself to ‘march
         forward towards our Arab Socialist Society and its unity and to free it of all
         means of exploitation and Colonialism’. Independence for Aden, then, like the
         professed reverence for the principle of free elections, was a sham. The only
         reason why the Aden radicals wanted free elections was to use them as a
         plebiscite in favour of Arab nationalism, to attract the attention and support of
         the world outside, and to hasten the end of colonial rule. Once independence
         had been attained, free elections would disappear, as they have disappeared in
         every Arab land, into a limbo from which they would never reappear.
         Moreover, as Sir Charles Johnston, the new governor of Aden, was later to
         point out:
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