Page 358 - Arabia the Gulf and the West
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The Masquerade                                        355


          ‘back-up’ group decided to abandon the letter to OPEC and to recognize the
          total separation of the Gulf and Libyan negotiations. Gone now was all hope of
          achieving a reasonable settlement. In its place was a fatalistic acceptance that
          any agreement with Libya would be unrealistic, and that all that might perhaps
          be salvaged from the collapse was some kind of undertaking from the Gulf
          states that they would not leap-frog over the Libyan settlement.
             Suffice it to say that in the negotiations that followed none of the assurances
          that the companies had previously deemed essential was obtained - or if it
          was, it was not worth the breath of air expelled in its utterance. A major reason
          for the companies’ failure was the obvious disarray in their ranks, especially in
          contrast to the solidarity displayed by OPEC. Unlike the companies, OPEC

          made skilful use of publicity and press conferences, with the shah as the star
          turn and Amuzegar and Yamani orchestrating the performances. At one stage
          in the negotiations the companies were greatly embarrassed by the leaking of
          their so-called ‘irreducible terms’ - sent by way of the Foreign Office to the
          British embassy in Tehran - and their subsequent publication in the
          government-controlled Tehran press. Scarcely able to contain his glee,
          Amuzegar seized upon the leak to berate the company negotiators for their
          ‘duplicity’. ‘The British government was running negotiations!’ he cried, in a
          touching affirmation of the enduring legend of a British hand in every intrigue
          in Persia. All talk of assurances now, he exclaimed, would only serve to make
          him and his colleagues ‘absolutely furious’. They would present their terms to

          the companies on 3 February on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. If the companies did
          not accede to them, the shah would legislate to impose a 60 per cent tax rate
          unilaterally and he would ask the rest of OPEC to follow' suit. Any company
          which refused to accept the new' tax rate would be told to cease production.
             The companies made one last effort to dig in their heels. Without the
          required assurances, they indicated, they could not reply to the Gulf
          committee’s terms by 3 February, when the OPEC conference was due to
          convene. The warning was brushed aside. On the opening day of the confer­
          ence the shah addressed the delegates and exhorted them to gird themselves for
          battle. Thus encouraged, the next day, 4 February, the conference adopted
          two defiant resolutions. The first required the Gulf oil states to introduce
          legislation on 15 February to implement Caracas resolution XXI-120 which
          provided for, among other things, a 55 per cent tax rate and the elimination of
          posted price disparities. If the companies had not signified their acceptance of

          the legislation by 22 February, all OPEC members were to take ‘appropriate
          measures, including a total embargo on shipments of crude oil and petroleum
          products’. The resolution also called for the enactment of similar legislation by
          Libya and Algeria, threatening an OPEC embargo if the oil companies did not
          grant these two states the new Gulf posted prices plus a premium for lower
          freight costs. Further support was given to the Libyans in the second res­
          olution, which endorsed any action the Libyan government might take to
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