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The ‘Sting’                                         411


          Copenhagen, where they had diplomatically refrained from suggesting that
          Denmark should be black-listed for its open support of the Netherlands, they
          went on to Paris and London. ‘Paris is our friend number one and London our
          friend number two,’ Yamani had announced expansively before he left Vienna,

          adding, by way of explanation, ‘Any country to be qualified as a friendly
          country must assist in a very significant manner the Arab cause.’ In Paris he
          and Abdessalem were banqueted at the Crillon by senior ministers of the
          French government, and in London they were lunched by the foreign secretary
          in the state dining-room at Lancaster House. Everywhere ministers and func­
          tionaries scurried to attend upon them, to court their favour and seek their

          approbation. The press and the luminaries of television and radio hung upon
          their slightest word, their most inadvertent aside or subtlest inflexion, even the
          occasional weighty pause - all of which were breathlessly transmitted, with
          instantaneous oracular embellishments, to the anxious masses, mute and
          perplexed spectators of the hubbub and the feting. It was a spectacle worthy to
          be captured on a vast and crowded canvas in the style of Tiepolo, depicting a
          throng of gorgeously attired dignitaries all pressing forward with beseeching

          gestures towards two proud figures standing sternly aloof, the whole tableau
          perhaps to be grandly entitled ‘The Plenipotentiaries of Arabia and Mauretania
          receiving the submission of Britain and Gaul’.
             Recrossing the Channel, Yamani and Abdessalem made for Brussels, where,
          Yamani had let it be known, they would be prepared to entertain any petition

          the Dutch might make for the restoration of oil supplies from Arab sources.
          However, he stipulated, if the Dutch wanted to be taken off the black-list, they
          would have ‘to take a very clear-cut position condemning Israeli occupation of
          Arab ground and demand complete withdrawal from all Arab territory’.
          Furthermore, they would have to make some ‘special gesture to repair the
          damage done’ by their ‘hostile action’ against the Arabs in the early days of the

          war. On 1 December the Dutch minister of economic affairs, Ruud Lubbers,
          had a meeting with Yamani and Abdessalem. He refused to concede their
          demands and said that a ‘special gesture’ was out of the question. He told them
          that although the Netherlands had endorsed the EEC declaration of 6
          November, the endorsement had caused his government ‘some trouble and

          pain to achieve’. ‘Holland’s position’, he said flatly, ‘is the same now as it was
          on that occasion.’ After the heady excitements of Paris and London the Dutch
          minister’s uncompromising words came as something of an unpleasant sur­
          prise to the two envoys. Yamani suddenly complained of feeling unwell and
          retired to his hotel bed.
             While he and Abdessalem had been tripping gaily through Europe the Arab
            eads of state had been in conference at Algiers. There were a few absentees.
            ing Husain of Jordan did not attend, nor did President Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr

          0 Iraq, who was disgusted with Egypt’s acceptance of a cease-fire in the war.
             uammar Qaddafi also boycotted the conference, ostensibly for the same
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