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TPIE ISIN—LARS A PERIOD
        also ill private houses, and dierc is no doubt that they were  placed on the domestic altar.
         Some them might be bought by pilgrims or visitors at famous shrines; others were
         obtained at the local temple, and represented the deity under whose special protection
         the family lived. An example of this popular class of object is plate 58c, which shows
         the Mother Goddess as ‘Lady of Births’ (Nintu).26 As the sun-god appears with rays
        emanating from his shoulders and Ningizzida with snakes or dragons, so Nmtu shows at
        each shoulder a child’s head, while two naked embryonic figures appear on either side,
        with the symbol of the goddess above them.
          While the majority of these plaques represent deities, there are a number with subjects
        more or less difficult to explain. Plate 59A, a bitch and puppies, may stand for the Mother
         Goddess in her form as Gula, whose symbol was a dog. But we do not know who was
         the destroyer of the fiery cyclops (Plate 5 8b), who the harpist (Plate 59B)> or the man
         riding a bull (Plate 59c), or any number of other personages represented in these
         plaques. For they were not inscribed; writing being the business of professional scribes,
         inscriptions would have been useless to the average householder. Nor were inscriptions
         needed. But we who do not share the common knowledge of the time are left in the
         dark by these representations. The design of another kind of plaque (Plate 5 8 a) has been
         plausibly explained as the face of the monster Humbaba, which was occasionally seen in
         the entrails of a sacrificial animal which were inspected to obtain omens. On the plaque
         the face is rendered by a single continuous band, to suggest the entrails, in which the face
         appeared, no doubt, somewhat more equivocally.
           There is no point in showing more examples of this very varied class of popular works,
         since they are mostly of indifferent quality. Figurines of clay were also made,27 but these
         lack all pretence to art and seem to have been mere tokens for services rendered in the
         temple and charged, as it were, with the merit acquired by the act. The majority repre­
         sent either men bringing a kid or lamb for sacrifice; or naked women who had offered
         themselves in the service of the goddess. There is no reason to see in them representations
         of deities, although these do occasionally  occur among the figurines. But they are
         characterized by the horned  crown. The large lions guarding the temple entrances were
         sometimes made of clay (Figure 22) instead of bronze.28
           Plate 6ib shows a fine rendering in gypsum of the bearer of a victim for sacrifice, fr  om
         Mari.  We cannot be sure that it belongs to the Isin-Larsa
         Period; it might be inherited from an earlier age, and the
         tasselled robe of  our figure would suggest this; but the
         shape of the head, the head-dress, and die rendering of
         the beard point to the later age, and I have therefore
         placed it at the beginning of works of sculpture from the
         Isin-Larsa and Hammurabi Periods.29 It emphasizes our
         ignorance of the distinctive marks of these periods; the
         statue of Ningal, too (Plate 57), could not have been dated
         ■with any precision if it had not been for its inscription.
           The statues of the princes who ruled the various city-
         states after the fall of Ur are often inscribed, but their  Figure 22. Lion from
                                                                   the temple at Tell Harmal
                                                                                                         ii
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