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treaty freedom is given by the Consul, after investigation, to fugitives who appear to hi
to come within its stipulations {via , to have bee n brought into the country since 187a!
without so far any opposition from the Sultan, but there is no pretence on his part of any
further co-operation or of preventing the importation of fresh slaves into the country which
continually takes place, even to the extent of giving information regarding such importations
t See entry in Diary, dated and December 1890. f'^ler before the event which he doubt'
less could do, but his sympathies* are with the
slave runners, and with those who want to buy slaves. In all cases of slave running or slave
dealing by his subjects he and they also abide, perforce by the decision of the British
Consul when such cases come actually into his hands and power to decide. If their slaves
escape to the Consulate or their slave dhows are towed into Muscat by a British cruiser
they do not care for the small percentage of such losses to try conclusions with the British
power. Being caught by a British cruiser, and the occasional escape of a few slaves to
the British Consulate, is the only risk the slave runners or slave buyers have to face.
No one will prevent them landing their slaves, or selling them if they have escaped the
cruiser?, not openly in a public mart, but quietly and without difficulty. In these circum
: stances it would serve no useful purpose or the cause of humanity for the present Sultan
to issue a decree touching the status of slaves “ lawfully possessed" (under existing
treaties), limiting to heirs in the first degree the right of inheriting such and giving all slaves
throughout the country, the right of sHf-emption, when there are now thousands of
slaves in the country who are “ unlawfully possessed" (according to treaty engagements)
whose number is annually recruited by fresh importations, whom the Sultan ot Muscat or
the British Government cannot, under the existing regime, give freedom to, and whose
possessors are mostly beyond the reach of either to question or compel. Were His
Highness Seyyed Feysal to issue such a decree, its scipulatioos could not* be enforced by him,
but it would probably have the effect of raising against him a storm of anger and intrigue
throughout the country which might cost him his position as Sultan of Muscat, and deprive
him of a home and comfortable circumstances tor himself, family, brother, and other rela
tions. The tribesmen, whom he would have to call to his assistance, would probably turn
against him and open the gates to a rival aspirant. He has for the present declined to
issue a decree similar to that of the Sultan of Zanzibar. For effect to be given in Oman
to such a decree or even to a full extent to the slave treaties already concluded with.
Muscat. Government must wait for the appearance of a Sultan of a type different from
that of late Sultans of Muscat or proclaim a protectorate over Oman, which would, I think,
necessitate an armed demonstration through the country, or annex and govern it as a British
possession. Such a decree, it appears to ine, should in logical sequence come after the im
portation of fresh raw slaves into the country has ceased and been made impossible or at feast
very rare, and in the case of Zanzibar that postulate may, I suppose, be accepted as an
accomplished fact; the decree is therefore a natural and fitting corollary to former treaties
with Zanzibar made patent and binding at an opportune moment, its provisions are feasible
of being enforced there without danger to the Sultan who issued it, or necessitating any
very extraordinary measures on the part of the British Government. In the case of Oman
the first postulate must be denied, and all other conditions and circumstances are un
fortunately quite different from those at Zanzibar. The provisions of such a decree cannot
be enforced except by some extraordinary measures on the part of the British Government,
and its mere barren promulgation would be dangerous to the Sultan, ana unfair to press
on him without a guarantee of protection against the consequences. I he importation of
slaves into Oman during the last three years has been large. Numbers have eveu been
lately passed on up the Gulf, and it will be found that during this period there have been
fewer men-of-war on slave cruising duty off the Arabian Coast than formerly. A single
vessel cannot effectually patrol those waters, several vessels are necessary, and it is possible
that a return to the old system of vigilance would under the altered conditions of owner
ship and administration on the East African Coast do much to destroy the traffic
altogether.
64. Colonel Ross concurred in the opinion of Colonel Mockler and the
Government of India’s views were expressed on the following despatch to the
Secretary of State, No. 28-Secret—External, dated nth February 1891 :
2. The Political Resident in the Persian Gulf has consulted the Political Agent at
Muscat, and both these officers have expressed their opinion that the promulgation of a
decree of this nature in the territories of His Highness the Sultan would be inexpedient
in the present condition of the country.
3. It is explained that the Sultanate of Omanis of much greater extent than that
of Zanzibar; that the population consists of a number of different tribes mostly un e
Chiefs of their own, over whom the Sultan has little authority to enforce a decree aga,ns
so popular an institution among Arabs as slavery : and that the issue of such a decree w u
probably raise a storm ot anger and intrigue against him which might cos im '
State.
4. On being consulted on the subject by the Political Agent, the Sultan himself
earnestly deprecated the issue of the proposed decree as likely to cause disco
insurrection among the people of the country. We are also inclined to believe from wiiac