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Saudi Arabia and Iran: Outside Pressures     73

        interest in the Gulf shaykhdoms was with their inland regions;
         Iran’s with their littoral. Third, and most important, Saudi Arabia
         is an Arab country, with close links with the Gulf shaykhdoms;
        and Iran, though a Muslim country is non-Arab. I his last fact
         is essential to any understanding of Gulf politics, particularly where
         they concern territorial disputes.
           Iran’s and Saudi Arabia’s eflorts to extend their respective spheres
        of influence to the Trucial Coast, as well as to other Arab shaykhdoms
         in the Gulf region, were made relatively easy by the fact that
         all the rulers were bound by treaty to defer from dealing directly
         with any government other than Britain. The result was that the
         shaykhdoms, apart from being woefully inadequate at resisting any
         form of onslaught, had to rely on British mediation for the solution
         of their problems with their neighbours. Technically, therefore, no
         relations between the Trucial States and Iran or Saudi Arabia
         existed; Anglo-Iranian and Anglo-Saudi diplomacy had to serve
         instead. This placed the rulers of the Coast on a particularly weak
         footing, since any appeal they made to Britain had to be subjected
         to various interdepartmental meetings and discussions in London
         before agreement could be reached on what action should be taken;
         as often as not, the policy of non-interference would be invoked.
         In consequence of this, many a ruler found that, rather than wait
         for help to reach him from Bushire, it was more expedient to
         bypass his treaty obligations and enter secretly into independent
         agreements with Iran or Saudi Arabia. This chapter seeks to analyse
         the various relationships between the Trucial shaykhdoms and these
         two powerful neighbours of theirs, but first it is necessary briefly
         to consider internal developments in Iran and Saudi Arabia during
         the period of their consolidation as modern states.
           The renaissance of the Wahhabi movement, which had lain dor­
         mant since the Ottoman occupation of Hasa in 1871, began in
         1902, when Ibn Sa‘ud captured Riyadh.1 As, in an impressive
        show of si nglcmi tided ness, he began to build his forces, organise
        his strategy, and form the Ik/iwan, (a paramilitary Wahhabi bedouin
        movement), other events in the Arabian peninsula, particularly the
        Arab Revolt and the rise of the Sharifian dynasty, were of greater
        concern to Great Britain.2 In 1913, however, Ibn Sa‘ud captured
        Hasa, the fertile area stretching between Kuwait and Qatar, on
        the western coast of the Gulf, and appointed his cousin ‘Abdallah
        ibn Jaluwi governor of the province; in this way Wahhabi authority
        was extended to the eastern coast of Arabia and became a force
        to be reckoned with by the British in the management of their
        interests in the Gulf region. Thus began a relationship that, although
        never outwardly hostile, was of a strangely nebulous quality. Based
        at first on an assumption of the superiority of Great Britain, it
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