Page 123 - Malcolm Gladwell - Talking to Strangers
P. 123

“If a physical barrier on the bridge were to be erected, it would not surprise me if after three
                       months, a suicide prone individual would walk to the north tower with a pistol and put the gun to
                       his head in frustration of not being able to jump. What then of the millions to erect a physical
                       suicide barrier?”
                         “People bent on suicide will find many ways to do away with themselves—pills, hanging,
                       drowning, cutting arteries, jumping from any other bridge or building. Wouldn’t it be much better
                       to spend the money on mental health care for many people instead of worrying about the few that
                       jump off bridges?”
                         “I oppose the construction of a suicide barrier because it would waste money and achieve
                       nothing.  Anyone  who  was  prevented  from  jumping  off  the  Golden  Gate  Bridge  would  find
                       another,  more  destructive,  way  of  killing  himself  or  herself.  Someone  who  jumps  off  a  tall
                       building would be much more likely to kill someone who is walking in the street than someone
                       who jumps off the bridge into the water.”
                         “All it will do is cost money and deface the bridge. There are many ways to commit suicide.
                       You take one away from someone it will only be replaced by another.”
                       In one national survey, three quarters of Americans predicted that when a barrier is finally put up
                    on the Golden Gate Bridge, most of those who wanted to take their life on the bridge would simply
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                    take their life some other way.  But that’s absolutely wrong. Suicide is coupled.
                       The  first  set  of  mistakes  we  make  with  strangers—the  default  to  truth  and  the  illusion  of
                    transparency—has to do with our inability to make sense of the stranger as an individual. But on top
                    of  those errors  we  add another, which pushes  our  problem with strangers into crisis. We do not
                    understand the importance of the context in which the stranger is operating.



                                                           4.


                    Brooklyn’s  72nd  Precinct  covers  the  neighborhood  surrounding  Greenwood  Cemetery,  from
                    Prospect Expressway in the north to Bay Ridge in the south. In the narrow strip between the western
                    perimeter of the cemetery and the waterfront, a series of streets run downhill toward the water. A
                    crumbling, elevated freeway meanders down the middle. Today, it is a gentrifying neighborhood.
                    Thirty years ago, when David Weisburd spent a year walking up and down those streets, it was not.

                       “This was a different world,” Weisburd remembers. “This was a scary place. You’d go into an
                    apartment building, there’d be refrigerators in the hall, garbage would be in the halls. Apartment
                    buildings would have backyards five feet deep in garbage. There were people on the streets who
                    would scare the hell out of you.”
                       Weisburd was a criminologist by training. He had done his dissertation at Yale University on
                    violent behavior among settlers in the West Bank in Israel. He was born in Brooklyn. After leaving
                    Yale, he got a job working on a research project back in his old borough.
                       The study was based out of the precinct house on Fourth Avenue, a squat, modernist box that
                    looked as if it were designed to repel an invading army. There were nine officers involved, each
                    assigned to a beat of ten to thirty blocks. “Their job was to walk around those beat areas and to
                    interact with the public, and to develop ways of doing something about the problems,” Weisburd
                    said. He was the observer and note-taker, responsible for writing up what was learned. Four days a
                    week,  for  a  year,  he  tagged  along.  “I  would  always  wear  a  suit  and  tie,  and  I  had  a  police
                    identification card. People in the street thought I was the detective and I would say, ‘Oh no.’”

                       He had been studying crime in a library. Now he was at ground level, walking side by side with
                    beat cops. And right from the beginning, something struck him as odd. Common sense had always
                    held  that  crime  was  connected  to  certain  neighborhoods.  Where  there  were  problems  such  as
                    poverty, drugs,  and family dysfunction, there was  crime: The broad conditions of  economic and
                    social disadvantage bred communities of lawlessness and disorder.
                       In  Los  Angeles,  that  neighborhood  was  South  Central.  In  Paris,  it  was  the  outer  suburbs.  In
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